سووشون ♦ هزار و يک شب
بهاره خسروي - پنجشنبه 16 آبان 1387 [2008.11.06]
صفحه جديد هنر روز نام خود را از رمان مشهور سيمين دانشور گرفته و به کند و کاو در ادبيات داستاني ايران- داخل و خارج کشور- مي پردازد.در هر شماره ابتدا داستاني را مي خوانيد، سپس نگاهي به آن و در پايان يادداشتي در باره زندگي و آثار نويسنده. داستان برگزيده اين شماره به داستان کوتاه گيله مرد نوشته بزرگ علوي اختصاص دارد.
♦ داستانگيله مرد
باران هنگامه كرده بود. باد چنگ ميانداخت و ميخواست زمين را از جا بكند. درختان كهن به جان يكديگر افتاده بودند. از جنگل صداي شيون زني كه زجر ميكشيد، ميآمد. غرش باد آوازهاي خاموشي را افسار گسيخته كرده بود. رشتههاي باران آسمان تيره را به زمين گلآلود ميدوخت. نهرها طغيان كرده و آبها از هر طرف جاري بود.
دو مامور تفنگ به دست، گيله مرد را به فومن ميبردند. او پتوي خاكستري رنگي به گردنش پيچيده و بستهاي كه از پشتش آويزان بود، در دست داشت. بياعتنا به باد و بوران و مامور و جنگل و درختان تهديد كننده و تفنگ و مرگ، پاهاي لختش را به آب ميزد و قدمهاي آهسته و كوتاه برميداشت. بازوي چپش آويزان بود، گويي سنگيني مي كرد. زير چشمي به ماموري كه كنار او راه ميرفت و سرنيزه اي كه به اندازهي يك كف دست از آرنج بازوي راست او فاصله داشت و از آن چكه چكه آب ميآمد، تماشا ميكرد. آستين نيم تنهاش كوتاه بود و آبي كه از پتو جاري ميشد به آساني در آن فرو ميرفت. گيلهمرد هر چند وقت يكبار پتو را رها ميكرد و دستمال بسته را به دست ديگرش ميداد و آب آستين را خالي ميكرد و دستي به صورتش ميكشيد، مثل اينكه وضو گرفته و آخرين قطرات آب را از صورتش جمع مي كند. فقط وقتي سوي كمرنگ چراغ عابري، صورت پهن استخواني و چشمهاي سفيد و درشت و بيني شكستهي او را روشن ميكرد، وحشتي كه در چهرهي او نقش بسته بود نمودار ميشد.
مامور اولي به اسم محمد ولي وكيل باشي از زنداني دل پري داشت. راحتش نميگذاشت. حرفهاي نيشدار به او ميزد. فحشش ميداد و تمام صدماتي را كه راه دراز و باران و تاريكي و سرماي پاييز به او ميرساند، از چشم گيلهمرد ميديد."ماجراجو، بيگانه پرست. تو ديگه ميخواستي چي كار كني؟ شلوغ ميخواستي بكني! خيال ميكني مملكت صاحب نداره..."
"بيگانه پرست" و "ماجراجو" را محمد ولي از فرمانده ياد گرفته بود و فرمانده هم از راديو و مطبوعات ملي آموخته بود.
"شش ماهه دولت هي داد ميزنه، ميگه بياييد حق اربابو بديد، مگه كسي حرف گوش ميده، به مفتخوري عادت كردند. اون ممه را لولو برد. گذشت، دوره هرج و مرج تمام شد. پس مالك از كجا زندگي كنه؟ ماليات را از كجا بده؟ دولت پول نداشته باشه، پس تكليف ما چيه؟ همين طوري كرديد كه پارسال چهارماه حقوق ما را عقب انداختند. اما ديگه حالا دولت قوي شده. بلشويك بازي تموم شد. يك ماهه كه هي ميگم تو قهوه خونه. از اين آبادي به آن آبادي ميرم: ميگم بابا بياييد حق اربابو بديد. اعلان دولتو آوردم، چسبوندم، براشون خوندم كه اگه رعايا نخوان سهم مالكو بدند "به سركار... فرمانده پادگان... مراجعه نموده تا بوسيله امنيه، كليه بهرهي مالكانهي آنها وصول و ايصال شود." بهشون گفتم كه سركار فرماندهي پادگان كيه، تو گوششون فرو كردم كه من همه كارهاش هستم. بهشون حالي كردم كه وصول و ايصال يعني چه. مگر حرف شنفتند؟ آخه ميگيد: مالك زمين بده، مخارج آبياري رو تحمل كنه و آخرش هم ندونه كه بهره مالكونه شو ميگيره يا نه! ندادند، حالا دولت قدرت داره، دوبرابرشو ميگيره. ما كه هستيم. گردن كلفتتر هم شديم. لباس امريكايي، پالتوي امريكايي، كاميون امريكايي، همه چي داريم. مگر كسي گوش ميداد. سهم مالك چيه؟ دريغ از يك پياله چاي كه به من بدند. حالا... حالا..."
بعد قهقهه ميزد و ميگفت: " حالا، خدمتتون ميرسند. بگو ببينم تو چه كاره بودي؟ لاور(1) بودي؟ سواد داري..."گيله مرد گوشش به اين حرفها بدهكار نبود و اصلا جواب نميداد. از تولم تا اينجا بيش از چهار ساعت در راه بودند و در تمام مدت، محمدولي وكيل باشي دست بردار نبود. تهديد ميكرد، زخم زبان ميزد، حساب كهنه پاك ميكرد. گيلهمرد فقط در اين فكر بود كه چگونه بگريزد.
اگر از اين سلاحي كه دست وكيلباشي است، يكي دست او بود، گيرش نميآوردند. اگر سلاح داشت، اصلا كسي او را سر زراعت نميديد كه به اين مفتي مامور بيايد و او را ببرد. چه تفنگهاي خوبي دارند! اگر صد تا از اينها دست آدمهاي آگل بود، هيچكس نميتوانست پا تو جنگل بگذارد. اگر از اين تفنگها داشت، اصلا خيلي چيزها، اينطوري كه امروز هست، نبود. اگر آن روز تفنگ داشت، امروز صغرا زنده بود و او محض خاطر بچه شيرخوارهاش مجبور نبود سر زراعت برگردد و زخم زبان آگل لولماني را تحمل كند كه به او ميگفت: "تو مرد نيستي، تو ننهي بچهات هستي." اگر صد تا از اين تفنگها در دست او و آگل لولماني بود، ديگر كسي اسم بهرهي مالكانه نميبرد. تفنگ چيه؟ اگر يك چوب كلفت دستي گيرش ميآمد، كار اين وكيلباشي شيرهاي را ميساخت. كاش باران بند ميآمد و او ميتوانست تكه چوبي پيدا كند. آن وقت خودش را به زمين ميانداخت، با يك جست برميخاست و در يك چشم بهم زدن، با چوب چنان ضربتي بر سرنيزه وارد ميكرد كه تفنگ از دست محمدولي بپرد... كار او را ميساخت... اما مامور دومي سه قدم پيشاپيش او حركت ميكرد! گويي وجود او اشكالي در اجراي نقشه بود. او را نميشناخت. هنوز قيافهاش را نديده بود، با او يك كلمه هم حرف نزده بود.
كشتن كسي كه آدم او را نديده و نشناخته كار آساني نبود. اوه، اگر قاتل صغرا گيرش ميآمد، ميدانست كه باش چه كند. با دندانهايش حنجرهي او را ميدريد. با ناخنهايش چشمهايش را درميآورد... گيلهمرد لرزيد، نگاه كرد. ديد محمدولي كنار او راه ميرود و از سرنيزهاش آب ميچكد. از جنگل صداي زني كه غش كرده و جيغ ميزند، ميآيد.
محض خاطر بچهاش امروز گير افتاده بود. حرف سر اين است كه تا چه اندازه اينها از وضع او با خبر هستند. تا كجايش را ميدانند؟ محمدولي به او گفته بود: "خاننايب گفته يك سر بيا تا فومن و برو. ميخواهند بدانند كه از آگل خبري داري يا نه." به حرف اينها نميشود اعتماد كرد و آگل تا آن دقيقه آخر به او ميگفت: "نرو، بر نگرد، نرو سر زراعت!" پس بچهاش را چه بكند؟ او را به كه بسپرد؟ اگر بچه نبود، ديگر كسي نميتوانست او را پيدا كند. آنوقت چه آسان بود گرفتن انتقام صغرا. از عهدهي صدها از اينها بر ميآمد. اما آگل لولماني آدم ديگري بود. چشمش را هم ميگذاشت و تير در ميكرد. مخصوصا از وقتي كه دخترش مرد، خيلي قسي شده بود. او بيخودي همين طوري ميتوانست كسي را بكشد. آگل ميتوانست با يك تير از پشت سر كلك مامور دومي را كه سه قدم پيشاپيش او پوتينهايش را به آب و گل ميزند بكند، اما اين كار از دست او برنميآمد. از او ساخته نيست. محمدولي را ديده بود. او را ميشناخت، شنيده بود روزي به كومهي او آمده و گفته بوده است:"اگه فوري پيش نايب به فومن نره، گلوي بچه را ميزنم سرنيزه و ميبرم تا بيايد عقب بچهاش." اين را به مارجان گفته بود.
مامور دومي پيشاپيش آنها حركت ميكرد. از آنها بيش از سه قدم فاصله داشت. او هم در فكر بدبختي و بيچارگي خودش بود. او را از خاش آورده بودند. بي خبر از هيچ جا، آمده بود گيلان. برنج اين ولايت بهش نميساخت. هميشه اسهال داشت، سردش ميشد. باران و رطوبت بيحالش كرده بود. با دو پتو شبها يخ ميكرد. روزهاي اول هر چه كم داشت از كومههاي گيلهمردان جمع كرد. به آساني ميشد اسمي روي آن گذاشت. "اينها اثاثيهايست كه گيلهمردان قبل از ورود قواي دولتي از خانههاي ملاكين چپاول كردهاند." اما بدبختي اين بود كه در كومهها هيچچيز نبود. در تمام اين صفحات يك تكه شيشه پيدا نشد كه با آن بتواند ريش خود را اصلاح كند، چه برسد به آينه. مامور بلوچ مزهي اين زندگي را چشيده بود. مكرر زندگي خود آنها را غارت كرده بودند. آنجا در ولايت آنها آدمهاي خان يك مرتبه مثل مور و ملخ ميريختند توي دهات، از گاو و گوسفند گرفته تا جوجه و تخم مرغ، هرچه داشتند ميبردند. به بچه و پيرزن رحم نميكردند. داغ ميكردند، يكي دو مرتبه كه مردم ده بيچاره ميشدند، كدخدا را پيش خان همسايه ميفرستادند و از او كمك ميگرفتند و بدين طريق دهكدهاي به تصرف خاني در ميآمد. اين داستاني بود كه بلوچ از پدرش شنيده بود. خود او هرگز رعيتي نكرده بود. او هميشه از وقتي كه بخاطرش هست، تفنگدار بوده و هميشه مزدور خان بوده است. اما در بچگي مزهي غارت و بيخانماني را چشيده بود. مامور بلوچ وقتي فكر ميكرد كه حالا خود او مامور دولت شده است وحشت ميكرد. براي اينكه او بهتر از هركس ميدانست كه در زمان تفنگداريش چند نفر امنيه وسرباز كشته است. خودش ميگفت: "به اندازهي موهاي سرم." براي او زندگي جدا از تفنگ وجود نداشت. او با تفنگ به دنيا آمده، با تفنگ بزرگ شده بود و با تفنگ هم خواهد مرد، آدمكشي براي او مثل آب خوردن بود، تنها دفعهاي كه شايد از آدمكشي متاثر شد، موقعي بود كه با اسب، سرباز جواني را كه شتر ورش داشته بود، در بيابان داغ دنبال كرد. شتر طاقت نياورد، خوابيد، سرباز تفنگش را انداخت زمين و پشت پالان شتر پنهان شد. بلوچ چند تير انداخت و نزديكش رفت. تفنگ او را برداشت و ميخواست سرش را كه از پشت كوهان شتر ديده ميشد، هدف قرار دهد كه سرباز داد زد: "امان برادر، مرا نكش." او گفت: "پس چكارت كنم؟ نكشمت كه از بيآبي ميميري!" بعد فكر كرد پيش خودش و گفت:" يك گلوله هم يك گلوله است." افسار شتر را گرفت و برگشت: "يه ميدان آنطرفتر، چشمه است. برو خودت را به آنجا برسون." صد قدمي شتر را يدك كشيده و بعد خواست او را رها كند، چونكه بدرد نميخورد. ديد، نميشود سرباز و شتر را همين طور به حال خودشان گذاشت، برگشت و با يك تير كار سرباز را ساخت. اين تنها قتلي است كه گاهي او را ناراحت ميكند. خودش هم ميدانست كه بالاخره سرنوشت او نيز يك چنين مرگي را در بر دارد. پدرش، دو برادرش، اغلب كسانش نيز با ضرب تير دشمن جان سپرده بودند. وقتي خانها به تهران آمدند و وكيل شدند، او نيز چاره نداشت جز اينكه امنيه شود. اما هيچ انتظار نداشت كه او را از ديار خود آواره كنند و به گيلاني كه آنقدر مرطوب و سرد است بفرستند. مامور بلوچ ابدا توجهي به گيلهمرد نداشت و براي او هيچ فرقي نميكرد كه گيلهمرد فرار كند يا نكند. به او گفته بودند كه هر وقت خواست بگريزد با تير كارش را بسازد و او به تفنگ خود اطمينان داشت. مامور بلوچ در اين فكر بود كه هرطوري شده پول و پلهاي پيدا كند و دومرتبه بگريزد به همان بيابانهاي داغ، بالاخره بيابان آنقدر وسيع است كه امنيهها نميتوانند او را پيدا كنند. هر كدام از اين مامورين وقتي خانه كسي را تفتيش ميكردند، چيزي گيرشان ميآمد. در صورتي كه امروز صبح در كومهي گيلهمرد، وكيل باشي چهارچشمي مواظب بود كه او چيزي به جيب نزند. خودش هرچه خواست كرد، پنجاه تومان پولي كه از جيب گيلهمرد درآورد، صورت جلسه كردند و به خودش پس دادند. فقط چيزي كه او توانست به دست آورد، يك تپانچه بود. آن را در كروج، لاي دستههاي برنج پيدا كرد. يك مرتبه فكر تازهاي به كلهي مامور بلوچ زد. تپانچه اقلا پنجاه تومان ميارزد. بيشتر هم ميارزد، پايش بيفتد، كساني هستند كه صد تومان هم ميدهند، ساخت ايتالياست. فشنگش كم است... حالا كسي هم اسلحه نميخرد. اين دهاتي ها مال خودشان را هم مياندازند توي دريا. پنجاه تومان ميارزد. به شرط آنكه پول را با خود آورده و به كسي نداده باشد.
باد دست بردار نبود. مشت مشت باران را توي گوش و چشم مامورين و زنداني ميزد. ميخواست پتو را از گردن گيلهمرد باز كند و بارانيهاي مامورين را به يغما ببرد. غرش آبهاي غليظ، جيغ مرغابيهاي وحشي را خفه ميكرد. از جنگل گويي زني كه درد ميكشيد، شيون ميزند. گاهي در هم شكستن ريشهي يك درخت كهن، زمين را به لرزه درميآورد.
يك موج باد از دور با خشاخش شروع و با زوزهي وحشيانهاي ختم ميشد. تا قهوهخانهاي كه رو به آن در حركت بودند، چند صد ذرع بيشتر فاصله نبود، اما در تاريكي و بارش و باد، سوي كمرنگ چراغ نفتي آن، دور به نظر ميآمد.وقتي به قهوهخانه رسيدند، محمدولي از قهوهچي پرسيد: " كته داري؟"- داريمي.(2)- چاي چطور؟- چاي هم داريمي.(3)- چراغ هم داري؟- ها اي دانه.(4)- اتاق بالا را زود خالي كن!- بوجورو اتاق، توتون خوشكا كوديم.(5)- زمينش كه خالي است.- خاليه.- اينجا پست امنيه نداره؟- چره، داره.(6)- كجا؟- ايذره اوطرفتر. شب ايسابيد، بوشوئيدي.(7)- بيا ما را ببر به اتاق بالا."اتاق بالا" رو به ايوان باز ميشد. از ايوان كه طارمي چوبي داشت، افق روشن پديدار بود. اما باران هنوز ميباريد و در اتاق كاهگلي كه به سقف آن برگهاي توتون و هندوانه و پياز و سير آويزان كرده بودند، بوي نم ميآمد. محمدولي گفت:"ياالله، ميري گوشه اتاق، جنب بخوري ميزنم." بعد رو كرد به قهوه چي و پرسيد: "آن طرف كه راه به خارج نداره؟"
قهوهچي وقتي گيلهمرد جوان را در نور كمرنگ چراغ بادي ديد، فهميد كه كار از چه قرار است و در جواب گفت: "راه ناره. سركار، انم از هوشانه كي ماشينا لوختا كوده؟"(8)- برو مرديكه عقب كارت. بيشرف، نگاه به بالا بكني همه بساطتو بهم ميزنم. خود تو از اين بدتري.بعد رو كرد به مامور بلوچ و گفت: "خان، اينجا باش، من پايين كشيك ميدم. بعد من ميآم بالا، تو برو پايين كشيك بكش و چايي هم بخور."گيلهمرد در اتاق تاريك نيمتنه آستين كوتاه را از تن كند و آب آن را فشار داد، دستي به پاهايش كشيد. آب صورتش را جمع كرد و به زمين ريخت. شلوارش را بالا زد، كمي ساق پا و سر زانو و رانهايش را مالش داد، از سرما چندشش شد. خود را تكاني داد و زير چشمي نگاهي به مامور دومي انداخت. مامور بلوچ تفنگش را با هر دو دست محكم گرفته و در ايوان باريكي كه مابين طارمي و ديوار وجود داشت، ايستاده بود و افق را تماشا ميكرد.
در تاريكي جز نفير باد و شرشر باران و گاهي جيغ مرغابيهاي وحشي، صدايي شنيده نميشد. گويي در عمق جنگل زني شيون ميكشيد، مثل اينكه ميخواست دنيا را پر از ناله و فغان كند.برعكس محمدولي، مامور بلوچ هيچ حرف نميزد. فقط سايهي او در زمينهي ابرهاي خاكستري كه در افق دايما در حركت بود، علامت و نشان اين بود كه راه آزادي و زندگي به روي گيلهمرد بسته است. باد كومه را تكان ميداد و فغاني كه شبيه به شيون زن دردكش بود، خواب را از چشم گيلهمرد ميربود، بخصوص كه گاهگاه، باد ابرهاي حايل قرص ماه را پراكنده ميكرد و برق سرنيزه و فلز تفنگ چشم او را خسته ميساخت.صدايي كه از جنگل ميآمد، شبيه نالهي صغرا بود، درست همان موقعي كه گلولهاي از بالا خانهي كومهي كدخدا، در تولم به پهلويش خورد.صغرا بچه را گذاشت زمين و شيون كشيد..."نميخواهي فرار كني؟""نه!"بي اختيار جواب داد: "نه"، ولي دست و پاي خود را جمع كرد. او تصميم داشت با اينها حرف نزند. چون اين را شنيده بود كه با مامور نبايد زياد حرف زد. اينها از هر كلمه اي كه از دهان آدم خارج شود، به نفع خودشان نتيجه ميگيرند. در استنطاق بايد ساكت بود. چرا بيخودي جواب بدهد. امنيه ميخواست بفهمد كه او خواب است يا بيدار و از جواب او فهميد، ديگر جواب نميدهد."ببين چه ميگم!" صداي گرفته و سرماخوردهي بلوچ در نفير باد گم شد. طوفان غوغا ميكرد، ولي در اتاق سكوت وحشتزايي حكمفرما بود. گيلهمرد نفسش را گرفته بود."نترس!"گيله مرد ميترسيد. براي اينكه صداي زير بلوچ كه از لاي لب و ريش بيرون ميآمد، او را به وحشت ميافكند."من خودم مثل تو راهزن بودم."بلوچ خاموش شد. دل گيلهمرد هري ريخت پائين، مثل اينكه اينها بويي بردهاند. "مثل تو راهزن بودم" نامسلمان دروغ ميگويد، ميخواهد از او حرف دربياورد.هيبت خاموشي امنيه بلوچ را متوحش كرد. آهستهتر سخن گفت: "امروز صبح كه تو كروج تفتيش ميكردم..."در تاريكي صداي خش و خش آمد، مثل اينكه دستي به دستههاي برگ توتون كه از سقف آويزان بود، خورد."تكان نخور ميزنم!" صداي بلوچ قاطع و تهديد كننده بود. گيلهمرد در تاريكي ديد كه امنيه بطرف او قراول رفته است. "بنشين!"دهاتي نشست و گوشش را تيز كرد كه با وجود هياهوي سيل و باران و باد، دقيقا كلماتي را كه از دهان امنيه خارج ميشود، بشنود. بلوچ پچپچ ميكرد."تو كروج -ميشنوي؟- وسط يكدسته برنج يه تپونچه پيدا كردم. تپونچه رو كه ميدوني مال كيه. گزارش ندادم. براي آنكه ممكن بود كه حيف و ميل بشه. همراهم آوردهام كه خودم به فرمانده تحويل بدم، ميدوني كه اعدام روي شاخته."سكوت. مثل اينكه ديگر طوفان نيست و درختان كهن نعره نميكشند و صداي زير بلوچ، تمام اين نعرهها و هياهو و غرش و ريزشها را ميشكافت."گوش ميدي؟ نترس، من خودم رعيت بودم، ميدونم تو چه ميكشي، ما از دست خانهاي خودمان خيلي صدمه ديدهايم، اما باز رحمت به خانها، از آنها بدتر امنيهها هستند. من خودم ياغي بودم، به اندازهي موهاي سرت آدم كشتهام، براي اين است كه امنيه شدم، تا از شر امنيه راحت باشم، از من نترس! خدا را خوش نميآد كه جووني مثل تو فدا بشه، فداي هيچ و پوچ بشه، يك ماهه كه از زن و بچهام خبري ندارم، برايشان خرجي نفرستادم. اگر محض خاطر آنها نبود، حالا اينجا نبودم. ميخواهي اين تپونچه را بهت پس بدهم؟"گيلهمرد خرخر نفس ميكشيد، چيزي گلويش را گرفته بود، دلش ميتپيد، عرق روي پيشانيش نشسته بود. صورت مخوفي از امنيهي بلوچ در ذهن خود تصوير كرده و از آن در هراس بود، نميدانست چكار كند. دلش ميخواست بلند شود و آرامتر نفس بكشد."تكون نخور! تپونچه دست منه. هفت تيره، هر هفت فشنگ در شونه است، براي تيراندازي حاضر نيست، بخواهي تيراندازي كني، بايد گلنگدن را بكشي، من اين تپونچه را بهت ميدم."ديگر گيلهمرد طاقت نياورد. "نميدي، دروغ ميگي! چرا نميذاري بخوابم؟ زجرم ميدي! مسلمانان به دادم برسيد! چي ميخواهي از جونم؟" اما فريادهاي او نميتوانست بجايي برسد، براي اينكه طوفان هرگونه صداي ضعيفي را در امواج باد و باران خفه ميكرد."داد نزن! نترس! بهت ميدم، بهت بگم، اگر پات به اداره امنيهي فومن برسه، كارت ساخته است. مگه نشنيدي كه چند روز پيش يك اتوبوسو توي جاده لخت كردند؟ از آن روز تا حالا هرچي آدم بوده، گرفتهاند. من مسلمون هستم. به خدا و پيغمبر عقيده دارم، خدا را خوش نميآد كه..."گيلهمرد آرام شد. راحت شد، خيلي از آنها را گرفتهاند. از او ميخواهند تحقيق كنند."چرا داد ميزني؟ بهت ميدم! اصلا بهت ميفروشم. هفت تير مال توست. اگر من گزارش بدم كه تو خونهي تو پيدا كردم، خودت ميدوني كه اعدام رو شاخته، به خودت ميفروشم، پنجاه تومن كه ميارزه، تو، تو خودت ميدوني با محمدولي، هان؟ نميارزه؟ پولت پيش خودته. يا دادي به كسي؟"گيلهمرد آرام شده بود و ديگر نميلرزيد، دست كرد از زير پتو دستمال بستهاي كه همراه داشت باز كرد و پنجاه اسكناس يك توماني را كه خيس و نيمه خمير شده بود حاضر در دست نگه داشت."بيا بگير!"حالا نوبت بلوچ بود كه بترسد."نه، اينطور نميشه، بلند ميشي واميسي، پشتت را ميكني به من. پول را ميندازي توي جيبت، من پول را از جيبت در ميآورم، اونوقت هفت تير را ميندازم توي جيبت، دستت را بايد بالا نگهداري. تكون بخوري با قنداق تفنگ ميزنم تو سرت. ببين من همهي حقههايي را كه تو بخواهي بزني، بلدم. تمام مدتي كه من كشيك ميدم بايد رو به ديوار پشت به من وايسي، تكان بخوري گلوله توي كمرت است. وقتي من رفتم، خودت ميدوني با وكيلباشي."
شرشر آب يكنواخت تكرار ميشد. اين آهنگ كشنده، جان گيلهمرد را به لب آورده بود. آب از ناودان سرازير بود. اين زمزمه نغمهي كوچكي در ميان اين غليان و خروش بود. ولي بيش از هر چيز دل و جگر گيلهمرد را ميخورد. دستهايش را به ديوار تكيه داده بود. گاه باد يكي از بسته هاي سير را به حركت درميآورد و سر انگشتان او را قلقلك ميداد. پيراهن كرباس تر، به پشت او ميچسبيد. تپانچه در جيبش سنگيني ميكرد. گاهي تا يك دقيقه نفسش را نگاه ميداشت تا بهتر بتواند صدايي را كه ميخواهد بشنود. او منتظر صداي پاي محمد ولي بود كه به پلههاي چوبي بخورد. گاهي زوزهي باد خفيفتر ميشد، زماني در ريزش يك نواخت باران وقفهاي حاصل ميگرديد و بالنتيجه در آهنگ شرشر ناودان نيز تاثير داشت، ولي صداي پا نميآمد. وقتي امنيه بلوچ داد زد: "آهاي محمد ولي؟ آهاي محمدولي!" نفس راحتي كشيد. اين يك تغييري بود. "آهاي محمدولي..." گيلهمردگوشش را تيز كرده بود. به محض اينكه صداي پا روي پله هاي چوبي به گوش برسد، بايد خوب مراقب باشد و در آن لحظهاي كه امنيهي بلوچ جاي خود را به محمدولي ميدهد، برگردد و از چند ثانيهاي كه آنها با هم حرف ميزنند و خش خش حركات او را نميشنوند، استفاده كند، هفت تير را از جيبش در آورد و آماده باشد. مثل اينكه از پايين صدايي به آواز بلوچ جواب گفت.ايكاش باران براي چند دقيقه هم شده، بند ميآمد، كاش نفير باد خاموش ميشد. كاش غرش سيل آسا براي يك دقيقه هم شده است، قطع ميشد. زندگي او، همه چيز او بسته به اين چند ثانيه است، چند ثانيه يا كمتر. اگر در اين چند ثانيه شرشر يك نواخت آب ناودان بند ميآمد، با گوش تيزي كه دارد، خواهد توانست كوچكترين حركت را درك كند. آنوقت به تمام اين زجرها خاتمه داده ميشد. ميرود پيش بچهاش، بچه را از مارجان ميگيرد، با همين تفنگ وكيل باشي ميزند به جنگل و آنجا ميداند چه كند.
از پايين صدايي جز هوهوي باد و شرشر آب و خشاخش شاخههاي درختان نميشنيد. گويي زني در جنگل جيغ ميكشيد، ولي بلوچ داشت صحبت ميكرد. تمام اعصاب و عضلات، تمام حواس، تمام قواي بدني او متوجه صدايي بود كه از پايين ميرسيد، ولي نفير باد و ريزش باران از نفوذ صداي ديگري جلوگيري ميكرد."تكون نخور، دستت را بذار به ديوار!"گيله مرد تكان خورده بود، بي اختيار حركت كرده بود كه بهتر بشنود.گيله مرد آهسته گفت:« گوش بدن بيدين چي گم."بلوچ نشنيد. خيال ميكرد، اگر به زبان گيلك بگويد، محرمانه تر خواهد بود. "آهاي برار، من ته را كي كار نارم. وهل و گردم كي وقتي آيه اونا بيدينم."باز هم بلوچ نشنيد. صداي پوتينهايي كه روي پلههاي چوبي ميخورد، او را ترسانده و در عين حال به او اميد داد."عجب باروني، دست بردار نيست!"اين صداي محمدولي بود، اين صدا را ميشناخت. در يك چشم بهم زدن، گيله مرد تصميم گرفت. برگشت. دست در جيبش برد. دستهي هفت تير را در دست گرفت. فقط لازم بود كه گلنگدن كشيده شود و تپانچه آماده براي تيراندازي شود، اما حالا موقع تيراندازي نبود، براي آنكه در اين صورت مامور بلوچ براي حفظ جان خودش هم شده، مجبور بود تيراندازي كند و از عهدهي هر دو آنها نميتوانست برآيد. اي كاش ميتوانست گلنگدن را بكشد تا ديگر در هر زماني كه بخواهد آماده براي حمله باشد. هفت تير را كه خوب ميشناخت از جيب درآورد. آن را وزن كرد، مثل اينكه بدين وسيله اطمينان بيشتري پيدا ميكرد. در همين لحظه صداي كبريت نقشهي او را برهم زد. خوشبختانه كبريت اول نگرفت."مگر باران ميذاره؟ كبريت ته جيب آدم هم خيس شده."كبريت دوم هم نگرفت، ولي در همين چند ثانيه گيله مرد راه دفاع را پيدا كرده بود، هفت تير را به جيب گذاشت. پتو را مثل شنلش روي دوشش انداخت و در گوشهي اتاق كز كرد."آهاي، چراغو بيار ببينم، كبريت خيس شده."بلوچ پرسيد: "چراغ ميخواهي چيكار كني؟"- هست؟ نرفته باشد؟- كجا ميتونه بره؟ بيداره، صداش بكن، جواب ميده.محمدولي پرسيد: " آي گيله مرد؟... خوابي يا بيدار..."در همين لحظه كبريت آتش گرفت و نور زردرنگ آن قيافهي دهاتي را روشن كرد. از تمام صورت او پيشاني بلند و كلاه قيفي بلندش ديده ميشد، با همان كبريت سيگاري آتش زد: "مثل اينكه سفر قندهار ميخواد بره. پتو هم همراه خودش آورده. كتهات را هم كه خوردي؟ اي برار كله ماهيخور. حالا بايد چند وقتي تهران بري تا آش گل گيوه خوب حالت بياره. چرا خوابت نميبره."
محمدولي ترياكش را كشيده، شنگول بود. "چطوري؟ احوال لاور چطوره؟ تو هم لاور بودي يا نبودي؟ حتما تو لاور دهقانان تولم بودي؟ ها؟ جواب نميدي؟ ها- ها- ها- ها."گيله مرد دلش ميخواست اين قهقهه كميبلندتر ميشد تا به او فرصت ميداد كه گلنگدن را بكشد و همان آتش سيگار را هدف قرار دهد و تيراندازي كند."بگو ببينم، آن روزي كه با سرگرد آمديم تولم كه پاسگاه درست كنيم، همين تو نبودي كه علمدار هم شده بودي و گفتي: ما اينجا خودمان داروغه داريم و كسي را نميخواهيم؟ بي شرفها، ما چند نفر را كردند توي خانه و داشتند خانه را آتش ميزدند. حيف كه سرگرد آنجا بود و نگذاشت، والا با همان مسلسل همتون را درو ميكردم. آن لاور كلفتتون را خودم به درك فرستادم، بگو ببينم، تو هم آنجا بودي؟ راستي آن لاورها كه يك زبون داشتند به اندازهي كف دست، حالا كجاند؟ چرا به دادت نميرسند؟ بعد چندين فحش آبدار داد. "تهرون نسلشونو برداشتند. ديگه كسي جرات نداره جيك بزنه، بلشويك ميخواستيد بكنيد؟ آنوقت زناشون! چه زنهاي سليطهاي؟ واه، واه، محض خاطر همونها بود كه سرگرد نميذاشت تيراندازي كنيم. چطور شد كه حالا موش شدند و تو سوراخ رفتهاند. آخ، اگر دست من بود. نميدونم چكارت ميكردم؟ چرا گفتند كه تو را صحيح و سالم تحويل بدم؟ حتما تو يكي از آن كلفتاشون هستي. والا همين امروز صبح وقتي ديدمت، كلكت را ميكندم. جلو چشمت زنتو... اوهوه، چيكار داري ميكني؟ تكون بخوري ميزنمت."صداي گلنگدن تفنگ، گيله مرد را كه داشت بياحتياطي ميكرد، سرجاي خود نشاند.گيله مرد بي اختيار دستش به دسته هفت تير رفت. همان زني كه چند ماه پيش در واقعه تولم تير خورد و بعد مرد، زن او بود، صغرا بود، بچهي شش ماهه داشت و حالا اين بچه هم در كومهي او بود و معلوم نيست كه چه بر سرش خواهد آمد. مارجان، آدمي نيست كه بچه نگهدارد. اصلا از مارجان اين كار ساخته نيست. ديگر كي به فكر بچهي اوست. گيله مرد گاهي به حرفهاي وكيل باشي گوش نميداد. او در فكر ديگري بود. نكند كه تپانچه اصلا خالي باشد. نكند كه بلوچ و وكيل باشي با او شوخي كرده و هفت تير خالي به او داده باشند. اما فايدهي اين شوخي چيست؟ چنين چيزي غيرممكن است. محض خاطر اين بچه اش مجبور است گاهي به تولم برگردد. هفت تير را وزن كرد. دستش را در جيبش نگاهداشت، مثل اينكه از وزن آن ميتوانست تشخيص بدهد كه شانه با فشنگ در مخزن هست يا نه. همين حركت بود كه محمدولي را متوجه كرد و لوله تفنگ را بطرف او آورد.
نوك سرنيزه بيش از يك ذرع از او فاصله داشت، والا با يك فشار لوله را به زمين ميكوفت و تفنگ را از دستش در ميآورد: "آهاي، برار، خوابي يا بيدار؟ بگو ببينم. شايد ترا به فومن ميبرند كه با آگل لولماني رابطه داري؟" چند فحش نثارش كرد. "يك هفته خواب ما را گرفت. روز روشن وسط جاده يك اتومبيل را لخت كرد. سبيل اونو هم دود ميدند. نوبت اون هم ميرسه. بگو بينم، درسته اون زني كه آن روز در تولم تير خورد، دختر اونه؟..."گاهي طوفان به اندازهاي شديد ميشد كه شنيدن صداي برنده و با طنين و بيگره محمدولي نيز براي گيلهمرد با تمام توجهي كه به او معطوف ميكرد غير ممكن بود، در صورتي كه درست همين مطالب بود كه او ميخواست بداند و از گفته هاي وكيلباشي ميشد حدس زد كه چرا او را به فومن ميبرند. مامورين (و يا اقلا كسي كه دستور توقيف او را داده بود) ميدانستند كه او داماد آگل بوده و هنوز هم مابين آنها رابطهاي هست. گيله مرد اين را ميدانست كه داروغه او را لو داده است. اغلب به پدرزنش گفته بود كه نبايد به اين ويشكاسوقهاي اعتماد كرد و شايد اگر محض خاطر اين ويشكاسوقهاي نبود، امروز آن حادثهي تولم كه محمدولي خوب از آن باخبر است، اتفاق نميافتاد و شايد صغرا زنده بود و ديگر آگل هم نميزد به جنگل و تمام اين حوادث بعدي اتفاق نميافتاد و امروز جان او در خطر نبود.يك تكان شديد باد، كومه را لرزاند. شايد هم درخت كهني به زمين افتاد و از نهيب آن كومه تكان خورد. اما محمدولي يكريز حرف ميزد، هاهاها ميخنديد و تهديد ميكرد و از زخم زبان لذت ميبرد.چه خوب منظرهي داروغهي ويشكاسوقهاي در نظر او هست. سالها مردم را غارت كرد و دم پيري باج ميگرفت. براي اينكه از شرش راحت شوند، او را داروغه كردند. چون كه در آن سالهاي قبل از جنگ، ارباب در تهران همه كاره بود و پاي امنيهها را از ملك خود بريده بود و آنها جرات نميكردند در آن صفحات كيابيايي كنند. همين آگل پدرزن او واسطه شد كه ويشكاسوقهاي را داروغه كردند و واقعا هم ديگر جز اموال رقيب هاي خود، مال كس ديگري را نميچاپيد.محمدولي بار ديگر سيگاري آتش زد. اين دفعه كبريت را لحظهاي جلو آورد و صورت گيله مرد را روشن كرد. دود بنفش رنگ بيني گيله مرد را سوزاند."... ببين چي ميگم. چرا جواب نميدي؟ تو همان آدمي هستي كه وقتي ما آمديم در تولم پست داير كنيم، به سرگرد گفتي كه ما بهرهي خودمونو داديم و نطق ميكردي. چرا حالا ديگر لال شدي؟..."خوب به خاطر داشت. راست ميگفت: وقتي دهاتي ها گفتند كه ما داروغه داريم، گفت: برويد نمايندگانتان را معين كنيد. با آنها صحبت دارم. او هم يكي از نمايندگان بود. سرگرد از آنها پرسيد كه بهرهي امسالتان را داديد يا نه؟ همه گفتند داديم. بعد پرسيد قبل اينكه لاور داشتيد داديد، يا بعد هم داديد. دهاتي ها گفتند: "هم آن وقت داده بوديم و هم حالا دادهايم." بعد سرگرد رو كرد به گيله مرد و پرسيد: "مثلا تو چه دادي؟" گفت: " من ابريشم دادم، برنج دادم، تخم مرغ دادم، سير، غوره، انارترش، پياز، جاروب، چوكول (9)، كلوش(10)، آرد برنج، همه چي دادم." بعد پرسيد مال امسالت را هم دادي؟ گيله مرد گفت: "امسال ابريشم دادم، برنج هم ميدهم." بعد يك مرتبه گفت:" برو قبوضت را بردار و بياور." بيچاره لطفعلي پيرمرد گفت: "شما كه نمايندهي مالك نيستيد!" تا آمد حرف بزند، سرگرد خواباند بيخ گوش لطفعلي. آن وقت دهاتيها از اتاق آمدند بيرون و معلوم نشد كي شيپور كشيد كه قريب چندين هزار نفر دهقان آمدند دور خانه. بعد تيراندازي شد و يك تير به پهلوي صغرا خورد و لطفعلي هم جابهجا مرد.دهاتيها شب جمع شدند و همين داروغهي ويشكاسوقهاي پيشنهاد كرد كه خانه را آتش بزنند و اگر شب يك جوخهي ديگر سرباز نرسيده بود، اثري از آنها باقي نميماند...محمدولي سيگار ميكشيد. گيله مرد فكر كرد، همين الان بهترين فرصت است كه او را خلع سلاح كنم. تمام بدنش ميلرزيد. تصور مرگ دلخراش صغرا اختيار را از كف او ربوده بود. خودش هم نميدانست كه از سرما ميلرزد يا از پريشاني... اما محمدولي دست بردار نبود: «تو خيلي اوستايي. از آن كهنهكارها هستي. يك كلمه حرف نميزني، ميترسي كه خودت را لو بدهي. بگو ببينم، كدام يك از آنهايي كه توي اتاق با سرگرد صحبت ميكردند، آگل بود؟ من از هيچ كس باكي ندارم. آگل لامذهبه، خودم ميخواهم كلكش را بكنم. همقطاران من خودشون به چشم ديدهاند كه قرآن را آتش زده. دلم ميخواهد گير خود من بيفته، كدام يكيشون بودند. حتما آنكه ريش كوسه داشت و بالا دست تو وايساده بود، ها، چرا جواب نميدي، خوابي يا بيدار؟..."نفير باد نعرههاي عجيبي از قعر جنگل بسوي كومه همراه داشت: جيغ زن، غرش گاو، ناله و فرياد اعتراض. هرچه گيله مرد دقيقتر گوش ميداد، بيشتر ميشنيد، مثل اينكه ناله هاي دلخراش صغرا موقعي كه تير به پهلوي او اصابت كرد، نيز در اين هياهو بود. اما شرشر كشندهي آب ناودان بيش از هر چيزي دل گيله مرد را ميخراشاند، گويي كسي با نوك ناخن زخمي را ريش ريش ميكند. دندانهايش به ضرب آهنگ يك نواخت ريزش آب به هم ميخورد و داشت بيتاب ميشد.آرامشي كه در اتاق حكمفرما بود، ظاهرا محمدولي وكيل باشي را مشكوك كرده بود. او ميخواست بداند كه آيا گيلهمرد خوابيده است يا نه.- چرا جواب نميدي؟ شما دشمن خدا و پيغمبريد. قتل همهتون واجبه. شنيدم آگل گفته كه اگر قاتل دخترش را بكشند، حاضره تسليم بشه. آره، جون تو، من اصلا اهميت نميدم به اينكه آن زني كه آن روز با تير من به زمين افتاد، دخترش بوده يا نبوده. به من چه؟ من تكليف مذهبي ام را انجام دادم. ميگم كه آگل دشمن خداست و قتلش واجبه، شنيدي؟ من از هيچ كس باكي ندارم. من كشتم، هر كاري از دستش برميآيد بكند...- تفنگ را بذار زمين. تكون بخوري مردي...اين را گيلهمرد گفت. صداي خفه و گرفتهاي بود، وكيلباشي كبريتي آتش زد و همين براي گيلهمرد به منزلهي آژير بود. در يك چشم بهم زدن تپانچه را از جيبش در آورد و در همان آني كه نور زرد و دود بنفش كمرنگ گوگرد اتاق را روشن كرد، گيله مرد توانست گلنگدن را بكشد و او را هدف قرار دهد. محمدولي براي روشن كردن كبريت پاشنه تفنگ را روي زمين تكيه داده، لوله را وسط دو بازو نگهداشته بود. هنگامي كه دستش را با كبريت دراز كرد، سرنيزه زير بازوي چپ او قرار داشت.در نور شعلهي كبريت، لولهي هفت تير و يك چشم باز و سفيد گيلهمرد ديده ميشد. وكيل باشي گيج شد. آتش كبريت دستش را سوزاند و بازويش مثل اينكه بيجان شده باشد افتاد و خورد به رانش.- تفنگ را بذار رو زمين! تكون بخوري مردي!لولهي هفت تير شقيقهي وكيل باشي را لمس كرد. گيلهمرد دست انداخت بيخ خرش را گرفت و او را كشيد توي اتاق.- صبر كن، الان مزدت را ميذارم كف دستت. رجز بخوان. منو ميشناسي؟ چرا نگاه نميكني؟...باران ميباريد، اما افق داشت روشن ميشد. ابرهاي تيره كم كم باز ميشدند.- ميگفتي از هيچكس باكي نداري! نترس، هنوز نميكشمت، با دست خفهات ميكنم. صغرا زن من بود. نامرد، زنمو كشتي. تو قاتل صغرا هستي، تو بچهي منو بيمادر كردي. نسلتو ور ميدارم. بيچارتون ميكنم. آگل منم. ازش نترس. هان، چرا تكون نميخوري؟...تفنگ را از دستش گرفت. وكيل باشي مثل جرز خيس خورده وارفت. گيله مرد تفنگ را به ديوار تكيه داد. "تو كه گفتي از آگل نميترسي. آگل منم. بيچاره، آگل لولماني از غصهي دخترش دق مرگ شد. من گفتم كه اگر قاتل صغرا را به من بدهند، تسليم ميشه. آره آگل نيست كه تسليم بشه. اتوبوس توي جاده را من زدم. تمام آنهايي كه با من هستند، همشون از آنهاييند كه ديگر بيخانمان شدهاند، همشون از آنهايي هستند كه از سر آب و ملك بيرونشون كردهاند. اينها را بهت ميگم كه وقتي ميميري، دونسته مرده باشي. هفت تيرم را گذاشتم تو جيبم. ميخواهم با دست بكشمت، ميخواهم گلويت را گاز بگيرم. آگل منم. دلم داره خنك ميشه..."از فرط درندگي لهله ميزد. نميدانست چطور دشمن را از بين ببرد، دستپاچه شده بود. در نور سحر، هيكل كوفتهي وكيلباشي تدريجا ديده ميشد.- آره، من خودم لاور بودم. سواد هم دارم. اين پنج ساله ياد گرفتم. خيلي چيزها ياد گرفتهام. ميگي مملكت هرج و مرج نيست؟ هرج و مرج مگه چيه؟ ما را ميچاپيد، از خونه و زندگي آوارهمون كرديد. ديگر از ما چيزي نمونده، رعيتي ديگه نمونده. چقدر همين خودتو، منو تلكه كردي؟ عمرت دراز بود، اگر ميدونستم كه قاتل صغرا تويي، حالا هفت تا كفن هم پوسونده بودي؟ كي لامذهبه؟ شماها كه هزار مرتبه قرآن را مهر كرديد و زير قولتان زديد؟ نيامديد قسم نخورديد كه ديگر همه امان دارند؟ چرا مردمو بيخودي ميگيريد؟ چرا بيخودي ميكشيد؟ كي دزدي ميكنه؟ جد اندر جد من در اين ملك زندگي كردهاند، كدام يك از اربابها پنجاه سال پيش در گيلون بودهاند؟زبانش تتق ميزد، بهحدي تند ميگفت كه بعضي كلمات مفهوم نميشد. وكيل باشي دو زانو پيشانيش را به كف چوبي اتاق چسبانده و با دو دست پشت گردنش را حفظ ميكرد. كلاهش از سرش افتاده بود روي كف اتاق: "نترس، اين جوري نميكشمت. بلند شو، ميخواهم خونتو بخورم. حيف يك گلوله. آخر بدبخت، تو چه قابل هستي كه من يك فشنگ خودمو محض خاطر تو دور بيندازم. بلند شو!"اما وكيلباشي تكان نميخورد. حتي با لگدي هم كه گيلهمرد به پاي راست او زد، فقط صورتش به زمين چسبيد، عضلات و استخوانهاي اوديگر قدرت فرمانبري نداشتند. گيلهمرد دست انداخت و يقهي پالتوي باراني او را گرفت و نگاهي به صورتش انداخت. در روشنايي خفهي صبح باران خورده، قيافهي وحشتزدهي محمدولي آشكار شد. عرق از صورتش ميريخت. چشمهايش سفيدي ميزد. بيحالت شده بود. از دهنش كف زرد ميآمد، خرخر ميكرد.همين كه چشمش به چشم براق و برافروختهي گيلهمرد افتاد به تته پته افتاد. زبانش باز شد: "نكش، امان بده! پنج تا بچه دارم. به بچههاي من رحم كن. هر كاري بگي ميكنم. منو به جووني خودت ببخش. دروغ گفتم. من نكشتم. صغرا را من نكشتم. خودش تيراندازي ميكرد. مسلسل دست من نبود..."
گريه ميكرد. التماس و عجز و لابهي مامور، مانند آبي كه روي آتش بريزند، التهاب گيله مرد را خاموش كرد. يادش آمد كه پنج بچه دارد. اگر راست بگويد! به ياد بچهي خودش كه در گوشهي كومه بازي ميكرد، افتاد. باران بند آمد و در سكوت و صفاي صبح ضعف و بيغيرتي محمدولي تنفر او را برانگيخت. روشنايي روز او را به تعجيل واداشت.گيلهمرد تف كرد و در عرض چند دقيقه پالتو باراني را از تن وكيل باشي كند و قطار فشنگ را از كمرش باز كرد و پتوي خود را به سر و گردن او بست. كلاه او را بر سر و بارانيش را بر تن كرد و از اتاق بيرون آمد.در جنگل هنوز شيون زني كه زجرش ميدادند به گوش ميرسيد. در همين آن، صداي تيري شنيده شد و گلوله اي به بازوي راست گيلهمرد اصابت كرد. هنوز برنگشته، گلولهي ديگري به سينهي او خورد و او را از بالاي ايوان سرنگون ساخت.مامور بلوچ كار خود را كرد.
پينويس:
1- لاور= دلاور، رهبر2- داريم.3- چاي هم هست.4- همين يكي را داريم.5- اتاق بالا توتون خشك كردهايم.6- چرا دارد.7- كمي آن طرف تر. سرشب اين جا بودند، رفند.8- راه ندارد. سركار، اين هم از آنهاست كه اتوموبيل را لخت كردند.9- چوكول= برنج نارس.10- كلوش- كاه.
علوي، و شهادت نويسنده
بزرگ علوي به سالِ 1283، زماني که جنبشِ مشروطهخواهي در اوجِ اعلاي خود بود، به دنيا آمد. پدربزرگش مشروطهخواه و نمايندة دورة نخست مجلس شوراي ملّي و پدرش تاجر آزاديطلبي بود که در آلمان به"کميتة مليونِ ايراني" پيوست و پس از اقامت طولاني در برلن در آنجا درگذشت. علوي جوان از طريقِ نويسندة معروف، کاظمزاده ايرانشهر، عضو"کميتة مليونِ ايراني" و با استفاده از کتابخانة پروپيمان او، با ادبيات جهان آشنا شد و سوداي درگيري با زبان فارسي و تسلط بر آن به سرش افتاد. به سال 1307 به ايران بازگشت و يک سال بعد نمايشنامه"دوشيزه اورلئان" شيللر را با مقدمهاي از هدايت به چاپ رساند. خودش در اين باره گفته: "صادق هدايت شهرتطلب و اهلِ تظاهر و مقدمهنويس نبود و اگر به دلخواه چند صفحهاي به قصدِ توضيح اهميت اين نمايشنامه نوشت ميخواست مرا تشويق به اين پيشه کرده باشد." به زودي علوي يکي از اعضاي گروه اندک شمارِ"ربعه"، که هدايت قطبِ آن است، ميشود. گروهي که به گفتة علوي آرمانِ آزداي فردي در مرکزِ انديشه و کردار آنها قرار دارد؛ گرچه وضعيت علوي متفاوت از ديگر اعضاي گروه است. خودش گفته:"من از بيستوچند سالگي در دو قطبِ مخالف گرفتار شده بودم که يک طرفِ آن دکتر اراني بود، که مرا به سوي سياست ميکشيد، و طرفِ ديگر صادق هدايت که گرايش صرفاً ادبي داشت." و شايد از همين جا است که آثارِ او مشخصاتِ تاريخي، سياسي و اجتماعي يک دورة معين از جامعه را بازتاب ميدهد و در همان حال علاوه بر عناصري از"توازي تاريخي" عناصري از"ناموزوني تاريخي" را هم در خود دارد. اما "ادبيت" آثارِ علوي از"تاريخيت" آنها بااهميتتر است، گرچه بايد به خاطر داشت که همواره فضاي اجتماعي و تاريخي و محتوي عقيدتي در آثارِ او چشمگير است.
کتابِ"نامهها"، که گيله مرد يکي از داستانهاي آن است، در پايانِ دومين دهة نويسندگي علوي منتشر ميشود. داستانهاي اين کتاب نه از آدمها بلکه از موقعيتها و وضعيتها پديد ميآيند و مؤيد آن هستند که در واقع اين موقعيتها هستند که سرنوشتِ انسانها را رقم ميزنند. انتشارِ"نامهها" در ادامة يک دهه فعاليت سياسي حرفهاي علوي و نمايندة زندگي مبارزان و کشمکشهاي سياسي است که بر زمينة نظامي ناساز و معيوب جريان دارد.
در مهمترين داستانهاي کتاب، از جمله گيله مرد، علوي ميکوشد از پارههاي پراکندة تجربهها و تأملات و معتقداتِ خود ترکيب هموار و منسجمي پديد آورد و تصويرِ تعارضآميز و شورانگيزي از واقعيت عيني به دست دهد:
"هدف من از نوشتن گيله مرد مطرح ساختن فئوداليسم بوده است. اينکه مالک همه کاره است وژاندارم آلت دستِ مالک است. قدرت در دستِ مالک است. در اينجا يک نفر روستايي قيام ميکند و يک نفر را ميکشد. طبيعي است که اين مرد مبارزه ميکند، ولي نميتواند فاتح شود، و تا موقعي که فئوداليسم وجود دارد، و تا موقعي که ژاندارم و مالک با هم همکاري ميکنند رعيت نميتواند پيروز شود."
موقعيتِ گيله مرد، دهقانِ شورشگر داستان، سرنوشتِ او را رقم ميزند و طبيعي است که نويسنده، که از حيثِ بينشِ سياسي بر اين عقيده است که انسان سازندة سرنوشت خود است، وضع او را تأييد نميکند. زندگي گيله مرد، چنانکه در داستان ميبينيم، نبرد مداومي است – يا بايد باشد – و اين نبرد از نظرِ نويسنده"طبيعي و ضروري" است؛ چون او نميتواند – و حق ندارد – بيطرف بماند، حتي اگر بداند که"فاتح" نميشود.
طرح يا نقشة(پلات) داستان گيله مرد ظاهراً ساده است: يک دهقانِ ياغي جنگلنشين توسط ژاندارمهايي که همسرش را کشتهاند دستگير ميشود، و در لحظهاي که قصد دارد، با تطميعِ يکي از ژاندارمها، از مهلکه بگريزد با گلولة همان ژاندارم از پا درميآيد. داستان زمانِ کوتاهي را در برميگيرد، و در جنگلِ بارانزده، کمي دورتر از همان جايي که آغاز شده است، به پايان ميرسد. نويسنده سيماي آدمها را نه با هول و هيجان بلکه با انديشه و نوعي هدفمندي ترسيم کرده است و همين کيفيت در توصيفِ طبيعت، فضاي جنگل، و قهوهخانه بينِ راه نيز به چشم ميخورد. نظرگاه داستان داناي کل است و استفاده از اين نظرگاه به نويسنده امکان داده تا خصوصيات و احوالات روحي هر سه آدم داستان را براي خواننده فاش کند. تصويري که نويسنده از گيله مرد به دست ميدهد به گونهاي است که گويي ما جريانِ ذهنِ او را ميخوانيم:
"اگر از اين سلاحي که دستِ وکيلباشي است، يکي دستِ او بود، گيرش نميآوردند. اگر سلاح داشت، اصلاً کسي او را سرِ زراعت نميديد که به اين مفتي مأمور بتواند بيايد و او را ببرد. چه تفنگهاي خوبي دارند! اگر صدتا از اينها دستِ آدمهاي آگل بود، هيچکس نميتوانست پا تو جنگل بگذارد. اگر از اين تفنگها داشت، اصلاً خيلي چيزها، اينطوري که امروز هست، نبود." در برابر مبارزة غيرمنصفانهاي که در داستان جريان دارد، علوي نه به عنوانِ يک نويسندة بيطرف که در مقامِ يک"شاهد" مينويسد، اما نه لزوماً يک شاهد عيني و خونسرد که شهادتِ او محدود به مشاهداتش باشد. وقتي داستان به لحظهاي ميرسد که ديگر"شاهد" بودن نامقدور مينمايد او موضعِ بيطرفِ خود را به عنوانِ نويسنده رها ميکند و وارد صحنة داستان ميشود، و از قهرمانِ محبوبِ خود، ولو به صورتِ"ذهني"، حمايت ميکند. اينگونه واکنش نشان دادن نويسنده نسبت به رويدادها و حوادثِ درونِ داستان در آنچه به"ادبيات پرولتري" معروف است ديده ميشود؛ مکتبي که علوي سخت به آن پايبند بود.
توفيق علوي در گيله مرد در لحظاتي است که طنينِ صداي او در فضاي داستان شنيده نميشود، و نويسنده از صداي خود فقط به عنوانِ يک "عنصرِساختاري" استفاده ميکند. مثلاً در گفتوگوهايي که در نيمه دوم داستان، در قهوهخانه، ميانِ مأمورِ بلوچ و گيله مرد و نيز گيله مرد و محمدولي درميگيرد، نقشِ نويسنده نامحسوس است. استفادة علوي از عنصر"زمينه" (ستينگ) و "فضا" ( اتمسفر) در اين داستان نظرگير و داراي کارکردي ظاهري و نمادين است:
"باران هنگامه کرده بود. باد چنگ ميانداخت و ميخواست زمين را از جا بکند. درختانِ کهن به جان يکديگر افتاده بودند. از جنگل صداي شيونِ زني که زجر ميکشيد ميآمد. غرشِ باد آوازهاي خاموشي را افسارگسيخته کرده بود. رشتههاي باران آسمانِ تيره را به زمينِ گِلآلود ميدوخت. نهرها طغيان کرده و آبها از هرطرف جاري بود."
توصيفِ طبيعت و فضا، ريزشِ باران و غرشِ باد و طغيانِ نهرها و صداي شيونِ زن، نمايندة جزيياتِ جسماني و جزييات رواني داستان است. اين عناصرِ طبيعي، در وهلة اول، صورتِ ظاهري داستان را ميسازند و داراي رابطهاي عضوي و ضروري هستند. اما در وهلة دوم مفاهيم نماديني را هم بيان ميکنند، که دستاورد صورتِ ظاهري داستان است. باران، که در طورِ داستان ميبارد، و صداي شيونِ زن، که چندين بار تکرار(شنيده) ميشود، علاوه بر آنکه حسِ فضا را بيان ميکنند نمايندة ذهنِ شوريده و خلجانِ روحي قهرمانِ داستان نيز هستند. در واقع فضا با ماية داستان چنان درآميخته است که خواننده فقط در ساية آن ميتواند نقلِ نويسنده را به عنوانِ يک"واقعيتِ داستاني" بپذيرد گيله مرد هم مانند سايرِ داستانهاي علوي اثري است با ماية عشق و جنايت.
* برگرفته از سخنان محمد بهارلو در کارگاه داستاننويسي وي در خانة هنرمندان ايران پيرامون نقد گيله مرد، اثر ماندگار بزرگ علوي.
♦ در باره نويسندهبزرگ علوي: نوپرداز ايراني
بزرگ علوي نويسنده نو پرداز ايراني دوره معاصر در سال1283 ه.ق در خانوادهاي بازرگان و مشروطه خواه به دنيا آمد.وي در كودكي براي ادامه تحصيل به آلمان فرستادهشد و پس از اتمام تحصيلات مقدماتي و عالي به ايران بازگشت و به تدريس و نويسندگي پرداخت. علوي در سال1323 سردبيري مجله ادبي پيام نو را بر عهده گرفت و طي اينسالها با همكاري صادق هدايت و مجتبي مينوي كه از دوستان صميمي او بودند فعاليتهايادبي مختلفي انجام داد و يك رمان و دهها داستان كوتاه را به چاپ رساند; ولي بنابه دلايل سياسي و گرايشات تودهاي چندي در زندان بسر برد و كتب وي از سال1332 لغايت 1357 اجازه چاپ نيافت و خود نيز طي اين سالها در اروپا بسر برد. بزرگ علوي پس از پيروزي انقلاب اسلامي به ايران بازگشت و پس از چنديمجددا رهسپار آلمان شد. علوي طي سالهاي اقامت طولاني خود در آلمان سمت استادي دانشگاه برلين را بر عهده داشت و پس از بازنشستگي نيز به پژوهش پرداخت. وي در طول زندگي خود كتب متعددي نوشت كه برخي از آنها به دليل سبك خاصنگارش از كتب معروف فارسي بشمار مي آيند. معروفترين كتاب بزرگ علوي رمان (چشمهايش) است كه ظاهرا با الهام اززندگاني و شاهكارهاي كمال الملك نقاش معروف اواخر عهد قاجار و دوره رضا شاه پهلوي نگاشته شده است. نويسنده در اين رمان از روشي بديع سود برده است بدين گونهكه قطعات پراكنده يك ماجرا را كنار هم گذاشته و از آن طرحي كلي آفريده است كه برحدس و گمان تكيه دارد. وي در ساير آثار خود از جمله چمدان، ميرزا و سالاريها شيوه رمانتيسم اجتماعي را بخوبي و با موفقيت اجرا نموده كه اوج اين شيوه در داستان كوتاه(گيله مرد) بچشم مي خورد. در مجموع مضمون اكثر داستانهاي علوي از آرمانهاي سياسيو حزبي او الهام ميگيرد و قهرمانان او همانند خود وي اغلب انسانهاي ناكامي هستند كه دور از وطن، در غربت و آوارگي بسر مي برند. بزرگ علوي در سال1376 ه.ش در سن93 سالگي در برلين در گذشت.
آثاروي عبارتند از: داستان ديو، چمدان، ورق پارههاي زندان، پنجاه و سه نفر، نامه ها، ميرزا، سالاريها، چشمهايش، خاطرات بزرگ علوي، روايت، سالاريها، نامههاي برلن: از بزرگ علوي در دوران اقامت در آلمان. مهمترين ترجمه هاي وي نيز عبارتند از: دوشيزه اورلئان ( شيللر)، كسب و كارخانم وارن (برنارد شا و)، دوازده ماه (ساموئل مارشاك)، مستنطق ( پريستلي)، حماسه مليايران ( نولد كه)، باغ آلبالو ( چخوف )، افسانه آفرينش هدايت (ترجمه از فارسي به آلماني)، گلهاي آبي (واندا واليسلو سكايا)، دو فريفته (لوپا دوويسكي). بزرگ علوي همچنين داراي چند مقاله نقد ادبي است كه در نوع خود قابل توجه وتحسين است: صادق هدايت (مندرج در مجله پيام نو) ناصر خسرو مروزي قبادياني (پيامنو) نقد رمان شوهر آهو خانم اثر علي محمد افغاني (مجله كاوه).
jeudi 6 novembre 2008
samedi 19 janvier 2008



American History Series: After the Revolution, the Nation Faces a Weak Political System
We begin the story of the U.S. Constitution. It replaced the Articles of Confederation, which created a Congress but not much else. Transcript of radio broadcast: 16 January 2008
MP3 - Download Audio Listen to MP3 Listen in RealAudio
Welcome to THE MAKING OF A NATION -- American history in VOA Special English. I'm Doug Johnson with Richard Rael.
This week in our series, we begin the story of a document that defined a nation: the United States Constitution.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
Delegates from all 13 states signed the Articles of Confederation. The document was approved on March 1, 1781.The thirteen American colonies declared their independence from Britain in seventeen seventy-six. But they had to win their independence in a long war that followed. During that war, the colonies were united by an agreement called the Articles of Confederation.
The Union was a loose one. The Articles of Confederation did not organize a central government. They did not create courts or decide laws. They did not provide an executive to carry out the laws. All the Articles of Confederation did was to create a Congress. But it was a Congress with little power. It could only advise the separate thirteen states and ask them to do some things. It could not pass laws for the Union of states.
The weakness of this system became clear soon after the war for independence ended.
British General Charles Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown, Virginia, in seventeen eighty-one. A messenger brought the Congress news of the victory. The Congress had no money. It could not even pay the messenger. So money had to be collected from each member of the Congress.
VOICE ONE:
Even before the war ended, three men called for a change in the loose confederation of states. They urged formation of a strong central government. Those three men were George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison.
George Washington commanded America's troops during the revolution. He opposed the Articles of Confederation because they provided little support for his army. His soldiers often had no clothes or shoes or food. They had no medicines or blankets or bullets.
During the war, Washington wrote many angry letters about the military situation. In one letter, he said: "Our sick soldiers are naked. Our healthy soldiers are naked. Our soldiers who have been captured by the British are naked!"
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
General Washington's letters produced little action. The thirteen separate states refused to listen when he told them the war was a war of all the states. He learned they were more interested in themselves than in what his soldiers needed.
After the war, there was much social, political, and economic disorder. General Washington saw once again that there was no hope for the United States under the Articles of Confederation. He wrote to a friend: "I do not believe we can exist as a nation unless there is a central government which will rule all the nation, just as a state government rules each state."
VOICE ONE:
Alexander Hamilton agreed. He was a young lawyer and an assistant to General Washington during the revolution. Even before the war ended, Hamilton called for a convention of the thirteen states to create a central government. He expressed his opinion in letters, speeches, and newspaper stories.
Finally, there was James Madison. He saw the picture clearly. It was an unhappy picture.
There were thirteen governments. And each tried to help itself at the cost of the others. Nine states had their own navy. Each had its own army. The states used these forces to protect themselves from each other.
For example, the state of Virginia passed a law which said it could seize ships that did not pay taxes to the state. Virginia did not mean ships from England and Spain. It meant ships from Maryland, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania.
James Madison often said most of the new nation's political problems grew out of such commercial problems.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
In the seventeen eighties, many people in America and Europe believed the United States was on the road to anarchy.
One sign was the money system. There was no national money. Many Americans thought of money as the pounds and shillings of the British system. There was an American dollar. But it did not have the same value everywhere. In New York, the dollar was worth eight shillings. In South Carolina, it was worth more than thirty-two shillings.
This situation was bad enough. Yet there also were all kinds of other coins used as money: French crowns, Spanish doubloons, European ducats.
VOICE ONE:
In seventeen eighty-six, representatives from Maryland and Virginia met to discuss opening land for new settlements along the Potomac River. The Potomac formed the border between those two states.
The representatives agreed that the issue of settling new land was too big for just two states to decide. "Why not invite Delaware and Pennsylvania to help?" someone asked. Someone else said all the states should be invited. Then they could discuss all the problems that were giving the new nation so much trouble.
The idea was accepted. And a convention was set for Annapolis, Maryland.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
The convention opened as planned. It was not much of a meeting. Representatives came from only five states. Four other states had chosen representatives, but they did not come. The remaining four states did not even choose representatives.
The men who did meet at Annapolis, however, agreed it was a beginning. They agreed, too, that a larger convention should be called. They appointed the representative from New York, Alexander Hamilton, to put the agreement in writing.
So Hamilton sent a message to the legislature of each state. He called for a convention in Philadelphia in May of the next year, seventeen eighty-seven. The purpose of the convention, he said, would be to write a constitution for the United States.
VOICE ONE:
Detail of a painting by Junius Brutus Stearns of George Washington in Virginia where he livedMany people believed the convention would not succeed without George Washington. But General Washington did not want to go. He suffered from rheumatism. His mother and sister were sick. He needed to take care of business at his farm, Mount Vernon. And he already said he was not interested in public office. How would it look if -- as expected -- he was elected president of the convention?
George Washington was the most famous man in America. Suppose only a few states sent representatives to the convention? Suppose it failed? Would he look foolish?
Two close friends -- James Madison and Edmund Randolph -- urged General Washington to go to Philadelphia. He trusted them. So he said he would go as one of the representatives of Virginia. From that moment, it was clear the convention would be an important event. If George Washington would be there, it had to be important.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
The first man to arrive in Philadelphia for the convention was James Madison. Madison was thirty-five years old. He was short and was losing his hair. He was not a good speaker. But he always knew what he wanted to say. He had read everything that had been published in English about governments, from the governments of ancient Greece to those of his own time.
James Madison wrote this letter to George Washington on the night before the Philadelphia Convention. It describes measures that should be taken to rescue the nation from its difficulties.Madison believed the United States needed a strong central government. He believed the governments of the thirteen states should be second to the central government.
Madison knew he should not push his ideas too quickly, however. Many representatives at the convention were afraid of a strong central government. They did not trust central governments with too much power. So Madison planned his work quietly. He came to the convention with hundreds of books and papers. He was prepared to answer any question about government that any other representative might ask him.
That will be our story next week.
(MUSIC)
Our program was narrated by Richard Rael and Doug Johnson. Join us again next week for THE MAKING OF A NATION -- an American history series in VOA Special English, on radio or online. Internet users can download transcripts and MP3s of our programs at voaspecialenglish.com.
(MUSIC)
We begin the story of the U.S. Constitution. It replaced the Articles of Confederation, which created a Congress but not much else. Transcript of radio broadcast: 16 January 2008
MP3 - Download Audio Listen to MP3 Listen in RealAudio
Welcome to THE MAKING OF A NATION -- American history in VOA Special English. I'm Doug Johnson with Richard Rael.
This week in our series, we begin the story of a document that defined a nation: the United States Constitution.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
Delegates from all 13 states signed the Articles of Confederation. The document was approved on March 1, 1781.The thirteen American colonies declared their independence from Britain in seventeen seventy-six. But they had to win their independence in a long war that followed. During that war, the colonies were united by an agreement called the Articles of Confederation.
The Union was a loose one. The Articles of Confederation did not organize a central government. They did not create courts or decide laws. They did not provide an executive to carry out the laws. All the Articles of Confederation did was to create a Congress. But it was a Congress with little power. It could only advise the separate thirteen states and ask them to do some things. It could not pass laws for the Union of states.
The weakness of this system became clear soon after the war for independence ended.
British General Charles Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown, Virginia, in seventeen eighty-one. A messenger brought the Congress news of the victory. The Congress had no money. It could not even pay the messenger. So money had to be collected from each member of the Congress.
VOICE ONE:
Even before the war ended, three men called for a change in the loose confederation of states. They urged formation of a strong central government. Those three men were George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison.
George Washington commanded America's troops during the revolution. He opposed the Articles of Confederation because they provided little support for his army. His soldiers often had no clothes or shoes or food. They had no medicines or blankets or bullets.
During the war, Washington wrote many angry letters about the military situation. In one letter, he said: "Our sick soldiers are naked. Our healthy soldiers are naked. Our soldiers who have been captured by the British are naked!"
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
General Washington's letters produced little action. The thirteen separate states refused to listen when he told them the war was a war of all the states. He learned they were more interested in themselves than in what his soldiers needed.
After the war, there was much social, political, and economic disorder. General Washington saw once again that there was no hope for the United States under the Articles of Confederation. He wrote to a friend: "I do not believe we can exist as a nation unless there is a central government which will rule all the nation, just as a state government rules each state."
VOICE ONE:
Alexander Hamilton agreed. He was a young lawyer and an assistant to General Washington during the revolution. Even before the war ended, Hamilton called for a convention of the thirteen states to create a central government. He expressed his opinion in letters, speeches, and newspaper stories.
Finally, there was James Madison. He saw the picture clearly. It was an unhappy picture.
There were thirteen governments. And each tried to help itself at the cost of the others. Nine states had their own navy. Each had its own army. The states used these forces to protect themselves from each other.
For example, the state of Virginia passed a law which said it could seize ships that did not pay taxes to the state. Virginia did not mean ships from England and Spain. It meant ships from Maryland, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania.
James Madison often said most of the new nation's political problems grew out of such commercial problems.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
In the seventeen eighties, many people in America and Europe believed the United States was on the road to anarchy.
One sign was the money system. There was no national money. Many Americans thought of money as the pounds and shillings of the British system. There was an American dollar. But it did not have the same value everywhere. In New York, the dollar was worth eight shillings. In South Carolina, it was worth more than thirty-two shillings.
This situation was bad enough. Yet there also were all kinds of other coins used as money: French crowns, Spanish doubloons, European ducats.
VOICE ONE:
In seventeen eighty-six, representatives from Maryland and Virginia met to discuss opening land for new settlements along the Potomac River. The Potomac formed the border between those two states.
The representatives agreed that the issue of settling new land was too big for just two states to decide. "Why not invite Delaware and Pennsylvania to help?" someone asked. Someone else said all the states should be invited. Then they could discuss all the problems that were giving the new nation so much trouble.
The idea was accepted. And a convention was set for Annapolis, Maryland.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
The convention opened as planned. It was not much of a meeting. Representatives came from only five states. Four other states had chosen representatives, but they did not come. The remaining four states did not even choose representatives.
The men who did meet at Annapolis, however, agreed it was a beginning. They agreed, too, that a larger convention should be called. They appointed the representative from New York, Alexander Hamilton, to put the agreement in writing.
So Hamilton sent a message to the legislature of each state. He called for a convention in Philadelphia in May of the next year, seventeen eighty-seven. The purpose of the convention, he said, would be to write a constitution for the United States.
VOICE ONE:
Detail of a painting by Junius Brutus Stearns of George Washington in Virginia where he livedMany people believed the convention would not succeed without George Washington. But General Washington did not want to go. He suffered from rheumatism. His mother and sister were sick. He needed to take care of business at his farm, Mount Vernon. And he already said he was not interested in public office. How would it look if -- as expected -- he was elected president of the convention?
George Washington was the most famous man in America. Suppose only a few states sent representatives to the convention? Suppose it failed? Would he look foolish?
Two close friends -- James Madison and Edmund Randolph -- urged General Washington to go to Philadelphia. He trusted them. So he said he would go as one of the representatives of Virginia. From that moment, it was clear the convention would be an important event. If George Washington would be there, it had to be important.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
The first man to arrive in Philadelphia for the convention was James Madison. Madison was thirty-five years old. He was short and was losing his hair. He was not a good speaker. But he always knew what he wanted to say. He had read everything that had been published in English about governments, from the governments of ancient Greece to those of his own time.
James Madison wrote this letter to George Washington on the night before the Philadelphia Convention. It describes measures that should be taken to rescue the nation from its difficulties.Madison believed the United States needed a strong central government. He believed the governments of the thirteen states should be second to the central government.
Madison knew he should not push his ideas too quickly, however. Many representatives at the convention were afraid of a strong central government. They did not trust central governments with too much power. So Madison planned his work quietly. He came to the convention with hundreds of books and papers. He was prepared to answer any question about government that any other representative might ask him.
That will be our story next week.
(MUSIC)
Our program was narrated by Richard Rael and Doug Johnson. Join us again next week for THE MAKING OF A NATION -- an American history series in VOA Special English, on radio or online. Internet users can download transcripts and MP3s of our programs at voaspecialenglish.com.
(MUSIC)
vendredi 11 janvier 2008



American History Series: How the Constitution Came to Life
One cannot truly understand the United States without understanding this document. In the coming weeks we will tell its story. Transcript of radio broadcast: 09 January 2008
MP3 - Download Audio Listen to MP3 Listen in RealAudio
Welcome to THE MAKING OF A NATION – American history in VOA Special English.
The United States became a nation in seventeen seventy-six. Less than a century later, in the eighteen sixties, it was nearly torn apart. A civil war took place, the only one in the nation's history. States from the North and the South fought against each other. The conflict involved the right of the South to leave the Union and deal with issues -- especially the issue of slavery -- its own way.
This week in our series, Frank Oliver and Tony Riggs describe how the Constitution survived this very troubled time in American history.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
Detail of a Civil War drawing by Alfred R. Waud published in Harper's Weekly in October 1863America's Civil War lasted four years. Six hundred thousand men were killed or wounded. In the end, the slaves were freed, and the Union was saved.
Abraham Lincoln was president during the Civil War. He said the southern states did not have the right to leave the Union. Lincoln firmly believed that the Union of states was permanent under the Constitution. In fact, he noted, one of the reasons for establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect Union. His main goal was to save what the Constitution had created.
VOICE ONE:
One cannot truly understand the United States without understanding its Constitution. That political document describes America's system of government and guarantees the rights of all citizens. Its power is greater than any president, court or legislature.
In the coming weeks, we will tell the story of the United States Constitution. We will describe the drama of its birth in Philadelphia in seventeen eighty-seven. And we will describe the national debate over its approval. Before we do, however, we want to tell how that document provides for change without changing the basic system of government.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
If you ask Americans about their Constitution, they probably will talk about the Bill of Rights. These are the first ten changes, or amendments, to the Constitution. They contain the rights of all people in the United States. They have the most direct effect on people's lives.
Among other things, the Bill of Rights guarantees freedom of speech, religion, and the press. It also establishes rules to guarantee that a person suspected of a crime is treated fairly.
VOICE ONE:
U.S. ConstitutionThe Bill of Rights was not part of the document signed at the convention in Philadelphia in seventeen eighty-seven. The delegates believed that political freedoms were basic human rights. So, some said it was not necessary to express such rights in a Constitution.
Most Americans, however, wanted their rights guaranteed in writing. That is why most states approved the new Constitution only on condition that a Bill of Rights would be added. This was done, and the amendments became law in seventeen ninety-one.
VOICE TWO:
One early amendment involved the method of choosing a president and vice president. In America's first presidential elections, the man who received the most votes became president. The man who received the second highest number of votes became vice president. It became necessary to change the Constitution, however, after separate political parties developed. Then ballots had to show the names of each candidate for president and vice president.
VOICE ONE:
The 15th Amendment gave male citizens the right to vote regardless of race, color or previous condition of slaveryThere were no other amendments for sixty years. The next one was born in the blood of civil war. During the war, President Abraham Lincoln announced the Emancipation Proclamation. That document freed the slaves in the states that were rebelling against the Union. It was not until after Lincoln was murdered, however, that the states approved the Thirteenth Amendment to ban slavery everywhere in the country.
The Fourteenth Amendment, approved in eighteen sixty-eight, said no state could limit the rights of any citizen. And the Fifteenth, approved two years later, said a person's right to vote could not be denied because of his race, color, or former condition of slavery.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
By the eighteen nineties, the federal government needed more money than it was receiving from taxes on imports. It wanted to establish a tax on earnings. It took twenty years to win approval for the Sixteenth Amendment. The amendment permits the government to collect income taxes.
Another amendment proposed in the early nineteen hundreds was designed to change the method of electing United States Senators. For more than one hundred years, senators were elected by the legislatures of their states. The Seventeenth Amendment, approved in nineteen thirteen, gave the people the right to elect senators directly.
VOICE ONE:
In nineteen nineteen, the states approved an amendment to ban the production, transportation, and sale of alcohol. Alcohol was prohibited. It could not be produced or sold legally anywhere in the United States.
The amendment, however, did not stop the flow of alcohol. Criminal organizations found many ways to produce and sell it illegally. Finally, after thirteen years, Americans decided that Prohibition had failed. It had caused more problems than it had solved. So, in nineteen thirty-three, the states approved another constitutional amendment to end the ban on alcohol.
VOICE TWO:
Other amendments in the twentieth century include one that gives women the right to vote. It became part of the Constitution in nineteen twenty.
Another amendment limits a president to two four-year terms in office. And the Twenty-sixth Amendment gives the right to vote to all persons who are at least eighteen years old.
The Twenty-seventh Amendment has one of the strangest stories of any amendment to the United States Constitution. This amendment establishes a rule for increasing the pay of senators and representatives. It says there must be an election between the time Congress votes to increase its pay and the time the pay raise goes into effect.
The amendment was first proposed in seventeen eighty-nine. Like all amendments, it needed to be approved by three-fourths of the states. This did not happen until nineteen ninety-two. So, one of the first amendments to be proposed was the last amendment to become law.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
The twenty-seven amendments added to the Constitution have not changed the basic system of government in the United States. The government still has three separate and equal parts: the executive branch, the legislative branch, and the judicial branch. The three parts balance each other. No part is greater than another.
The first American states had no strong central government when they fought their war of independence from Britain in seventeen seventy-six. They cooperated under an agreement called the Articles of Confederation. The agreement provided for a Congress. But the Congress had few powers. Each state governed itself.
VOICE TWO:
When the war ended, the states owed millions of dollars to their soldiers. They also owed money to European nations that had supported the Americans against Britain.
The new United States had no national money to pay the debts. There was an American dollar. But not everyone used it. And it did not have the same value everywhere.
The situation led to economic ruin for many people. They could not pay the money they owed. They lost their property. They were put in prison. Militant groups took action to help them. They interfered with tax collectors. They terrorized judges and burned court buildings.
VOICE ONE:
The situation was especially bad in the northeast part of the country. In Massachusetts, a group led by a former soldier tried to seize guns and ammunition from the state military force.
Shays' Rebellion, as it was called, was stopped. But from north to south, Americans were increasingly worried and frightened. Would the violence continue? Would the situation get worse?
VOICE TWO:
Many Americans distrusted the idea of a strong central government. After all, they had just fought a war to end British rule. Yet Americans of different ages, education, and social groups felt that something had to be done. If not, the new nation would fail before it had a chance to succeed.
These were the opinions and feelings that led, in time, to the writing of the United States Constitution. That will be our story in the coming weeks of THE MAKING OF A NATION.
(MUSIC)
ANNOUNCER:
Our program was written by Christine Johnson and read by Tony Riggs and Frank Oliver. Transcripts and MP3s of our programs are at voaspecialenglish.com. Join us again next week for THE MAKING OF A NATION, an American history series in VOA Special English.
One cannot truly understand the United States without understanding this document. In the coming weeks we will tell its story. Transcript of radio broadcast: 09 January 2008
MP3 - Download Audio Listen to MP3 Listen in RealAudio
Welcome to THE MAKING OF A NATION – American history in VOA Special English.
The United States became a nation in seventeen seventy-six. Less than a century later, in the eighteen sixties, it was nearly torn apart. A civil war took place, the only one in the nation's history. States from the North and the South fought against each other. The conflict involved the right of the South to leave the Union and deal with issues -- especially the issue of slavery -- its own way.
This week in our series, Frank Oliver and Tony Riggs describe how the Constitution survived this very troubled time in American history.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
Detail of a Civil War drawing by Alfred R. Waud published in Harper's Weekly in October 1863America's Civil War lasted four years. Six hundred thousand men were killed or wounded. In the end, the slaves were freed, and the Union was saved.
Abraham Lincoln was president during the Civil War. He said the southern states did not have the right to leave the Union. Lincoln firmly believed that the Union of states was permanent under the Constitution. In fact, he noted, one of the reasons for establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect Union. His main goal was to save what the Constitution had created.
VOICE ONE:
One cannot truly understand the United States without understanding its Constitution. That political document describes America's system of government and guarantees the rights of all citizens. Its power is greater than any president, court or legislature.
In the coming weeks, we will tell the story of the United States Constitution. We will describe the drama of its birth in Philadelphia in seventeen eighty-seven. And we will describe the national debate over its approval. Before we do, however, we want to tell how that document provides for change without changing the basic system of government.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
If you ask Americans about their Constitution, they probably will talk about the Bill of Rights. These are the first ten changes, or amendments, to the Constitution. They contain the rights of all people in the United States. They have the most direct effect on people's lives.
Among other things, the Bill of Rights guarantees freedom of speech, religion, and the press. It also establishes rules to guarantee that a person suspected of a crime is treated fairly.
VOICE ONE:
U.S. ConstitutionThe Bill of Rights was not part of the document signed at the convention in Philadelphia in seventeen eighty-seven. The delegates believed that political freedoms were basic human rights. So, some said it was not necessary to express such rights in a Constitution.
Most Americans, however, wanted their rights guaranteed in writing. That is why most states approved the new Constitution only on condition that a Bill of Rights would be added. This was done, and the amendments became law in seventeen ninety-one.
VOICE TWO:
One early amendment involved the method of choosing a president and vice president. In America's first presidential elections, the man who received the most votes became president. The man who received the second highest number of votes became vice president. It became necessary to change the Constitution, however, after separate political parties developed. Then ballots had to show the names of each candidate for president and vice president.
VOICE ONE:
The 15th Amendment gave male citizens the right to vote regardless of race, color or previous condition of slaveryThere were no other amendments for sixty years. The next one was born in the blood of civil war. During the war, President Abraham Lincoln announced the Emancipation Proclamation. That document freed the slaves in the states that were rebelling against the Union. It was not until after Lincoln was murdered, however, that the states approved the Thirteenth Amendment to ban slavery everywhere in the country.
The Fourteenth Amendment, approved in eighteen sixty-eight, said no state could limit the rights of any citizen. And the Fifteenth, approved two years later, said a person's right to vote could not be denied because of his race, color, or former condition of slavery.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
By the eighteen nineties, the federal government needed more money than it was receiving from taxes on imports. It wanted to establish a tax on earnings. It took twenty years to win approval for the Sixteenth Amendment. The amendment permits the government to collect income taxes.
Another amendment proposed in the early nineteen hundreds was designed to change the method of electing United States Senators. For more than one hundred years, senators were elected by the legislatures of their states. The Seventeenth Amendment, approved in nineteen thirteen, gave the people the right to elect senators directly.
VOICE ONE:
In nineteen nineteen, the states approved an amendment to ban the production, transportation, and sale of alcohol. Alcohol was prohibited. It could not be produced or sold legally anywhere in the United States.
The amendment, however, did not stop the flow of alcohol. Criminal organizations found many ways to produce and sell it illegally. Finally, after thirteen years, Americans decided that Prohibition had failed. It had caused more problems than it had solved. So, in nineteen thirty-three, the states approved another constitutional amendment to end the ban on alcohol.
VOICE TWO:
Other amendments in the twentieth century include one that gives women the right to vote. It became part of the Constitution in nineteen twenty.
Another amendment limits a president to two four-year terms in office. And the Twenty-sixth Amendment gives the right to vote to all persons who are at least eighteen years old.
The Twenty-seventh Amendment has one of the strangest stories of any amendment to the United States Constitution. This amendment establishes a rule for increasing the pay of senators and representatives. It says there must be an election between the time Congress votes to increase its pay and the time the pay raise goes into effect.
The amendment was first proposed in seventeen eighty-nine. Like all amendments, it needed to be approved by three-fourths of the states. This did not happen until nineteen ninety-two. So, one of the first amendments to be proposed was the last amendment to become law.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
The twenty-seven amendments added to the Constitution have not changed the basic system of government in the United States. The government still has three separate and equal parts: the executive branch, the legislative branch, and the judicial branch. The three parts balance each other. No part is greater than another.
The first American states had no strong central government when they fought their war of independence from Britain in seventeen seventy-six. They cooperated under an agreement called the Articles of Confederation. The agreement provided for a Congress. But the Congress had few powers. Each state governed itself.
VOICE TWO:
When the war ended, the states owed millions of dollars to their soldiers. They also owed money to European nations that had supported the Americans against Britain.
The new United States had no national money to pay the debts. There was an American dollar. But not everyone used it. And it did not have the same value everywhere.
The situation led to economic ruin for many people. They could not pay the money they owed. They lost their property. They were put in prison. Militant groups took action to help them. They interfered with tax collectors. They terrorized judges and burned court buildings.
VOICE ONE:
The situation was especially bad in the northeast part of the country. In Massachusetts, a group led by a former soldier tried to seize guns and ammunition from the state military force.
Shays' Rebellion, as it was called, was stopped. But from north to south, Americans were increasingly worried and frightened. Would the violence continue? Would the situation get worse?
VOICE TWO:
Many Americans distrusted the idea of a strong central government. After all, they had just fought a war to end British rule. Yet Americans of different ages, education, and social groups felt that something had to be done. If not, the new nation would fail before it had a chance to succeed.
These were the opinions and feelings that led, in time, to the writing of the United States Constitution. That will be our story in the coming weeks of THE MAKING OF A NATION.
(MUSIC)
ANNOUNCER:
Our program was written by Christine Johnson and read by Tony Riggs and Frank Oliver. Transcripts and MP3s of our programs are at voaspecialenglish.com. Join us again next week for THE MAKING OF A NATION, an American history series in VOA Special English.
samedi 5 janvier 2008




US History: After the American victory at Saratoga, the French decided to enter the Revolutionary War on the American side. Transcript of radio broadcast: 02 January 2008
MP3 - Download Audio Listen to MP3 Listen in RealAudio
VOICE ONE:
This is Rich Kleinfeldt.
VOICE TWO:
And this is Sarah Long with THE MAKING OF A NATION, a VOA Special English program about the history of the United States. Today, we complete the story of the American Revolution against Britain in the late seventeen seventies.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
It is December, seventeen seventy-six. British General William Howe has decided to stop fighting during the cold winter months. The general is in New York. He has already established control of a few areas near the city, including Trenton and Princeton in New Jersey.
Detail from ''Washington and Lafayette at Valley Forge'' painted by John DunsmoreGeneral George Washington and the Continental Army are on the other side of the Delaware River. The Americans are cold and hungry. They have few weapons. Washington knows that if Howe attacks, the British will be able to go all the way to Philadelphia. They will then control two of America's most important cities. He decides to attack.
His plan is for three groups of troops to cross the Delaware River separately. All three will join together at Trenton. Then they will attack Princeton and New Brunswick. Washington wants to surprise the enemy early in the morning the day after the Christmas holiday, December twenty-sixth.
VOICE TWO:
On Christmas night, two thousand four hundred soldiers of the Continental Army get into small boats. They cross the partly-frozen Delaware River. The crossing takes longer than Washington thought it would. The troops are four hours late. They will not be able to surprise the enemy at sunrise.
Yet, after marching to Trenton, Washington's troops do surprise the Hessian mercenaries who are in position there. The enemy soldiers run into buildings to get away. The Americans use cannons to blow up the buildings. Soon, the enemy surrenders. Washington's army has captured Trenton. A few days later, he marches his captured prisoners through the streets of the city of Philadelphia.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
Washington's victory at Trenton changed the way Americans felt about the war. Before the battle, the rebels had been defeated in New York. They were beginning to lose faith in their commander. Now that faith returned. Congress increased Washington's powers, making it possible for the fight for independence to continue.
Another result of the victory at Trenton was that more men decided to join the army. It now had ten thousand soldiers. This new Continental Army, however, lost battles during the summer to General Howe's forces near the Chesapeake Bay. And in August, seventeen seventy-seven, General Howe captured Philadelphia.
VOICE TWO:
Following these losses, Washington led the army to the nearby area called Valley Forge. They would stay there for the winter. His army was suffering. Half the men had no shoes, clothes, or blankets. They were almost starving. They built houses out of logs, but the winter was very cold and they almost froze. Many suffered from diseases such as smallpox and typhus. Some died.
General Washington and other officers were able to get food from the surrounding area to help most of the men survive the winter. By the spring of seventeen seventy-eight, they were ready to fight again.
VOICE ONE:
General Howe was still in Philadelphia. History experts say it is difficult to understand this British military leader. At times, he was a good commander and a brave man. At other times, he stayed in the safety of the cities, instead of leading his men to fight. General Howe was not involved in the next series of important battles of the American Revolution, however. The lead part now went to General John Burgoyne. His plan was to capture the Hudson River Valley in New York State and separate New England from the other colonies. This, the British believed, would make it easy to capture the other colonies.
The plan did not succeed. American General Benedict Arnold defeated the British troops in New York. General Burgoyne had expected help from General Howe, but did not get it. Burgoyne was forced to surrender at the town of Saratoga.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
British general John Burgoyne surrenders at Saratoga, New York, in October 1777, as painted by Percy MoranThe American victory at Saratoga was an extremely important one. It ended the British plan to separate New England from the other colonies. It also showed European nations that the new country might really be able to win its revolutionary war. This was something that France, especially, had wanted ever since being defeated by the British earlier in the French and Indian War.
The French government had been supplying the Americans secretly through the work of America's minister to France, Benjamin Franklin. Franklin was popular with the French people and with French government officials. He helped gain French sympathy for the American cause.
VOICE ONE:
After the American victory at Saratoga, the French decided to enter the war on the American side. The government recognized American independence. The two nations signed military and political treaties. France and Britain were at war once again.
The British immediately sent a message to America's Continental Congress. They offered to change everything so relations would be as they had been in seventeen sixty-three. The Americans rejected the offer. The war would be fought to the end.
In seventeen seventy-nine, Spain entered the war against the British. And the next year, the British were also fighting the Dutch to stop their trade with America.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
The French now sent gunpowder, soldiers, officers, and ships to the Americans. However, neither side made much progress in the war for the next two years.
A French blockade of the Chesapeake Bay during the Revolutionary War prevented British forces from reaching YorktownBy seventeen eighty, the British had moved their military forces to the American South. They quickly gained control of South Carolina and Georgia, but the Americans prevented them from taking control of North Carolina. After that, the British commander moved his troops to Yorktown, Virginia.
The commander's name was Lord Charles Cornwallis. Both he and George Washington had about eight thousand troops when they met near Yorktown. Cornwallis was expecting more troops to arrive on British ships.
What he did not know was that French ships were on their way to Yorktown, too. Their commander was Admiral Francois Comte de Grasse. De Grasse met some of the British ships that Cornwallis was expecting, and he defeated them. The French ships then moved into the Chesapeake Bay, near Yorktown.
VOICE ONE:
On this page in his diary, George Washington recorded the British surrender at YorktownThe Americans and the French began attacking with cannons. Then they fought the British soldiers hand-to-hand. Cornwallis knew he had no chance to win without more troops. He surrendered to George Washington on October seventeenth, seventeen eighty-one.
The war was over. American and French forces had captured or killed one-half of the British troops in America. The surviving British troops left Yorktown playing a popular British song called, "The World Turned Upside Down."
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
How were the Americans able to defeat the most powerful nation in the world? Historians give several reasons:
The Americans were fighting at home, while the British had to bring troops and supplies from across a wide ocean. British officers made mistakes, especially General William Howe. His slowness to take action at the start of the war made it possible for the Americans to survive during two difficult winters.
Another reason was the help the Americans received from the French. Also, the British public had stopped supporting the long and costly war. Finally, history experts say America might not have won without the leadership of George Washington. He was honest, brave, and sure that the Americans could win. He never gave up hope that he would reach that goal.
VOICE ONE:
The peace treaty ending the American Revolution was signed in Paris in seventeen eighty-three. The independence of the United States was recognized. Western and northern borders were set.
Thirteen colonies were free. Now, they had to become one nation.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
Today's MAKING OF A NATION program was written by Nancy Steinbach. This is Sarah Long.
VOICE ONE:
And this is Rich Kleinfeldt. Join us again next week for another VOA Special English program about the history of the United States. ____
MP3 - Download Audio Listen to MP3 Listen in RealAudio
VOICE ONE:
This is Rich Kleinfeldt.
VOICE TWO:
And this is Sarah Long with THE MAKING OF A NATION, a VOA Special English program about the history of the United States. Today, we complete the story of the American Revolution against Britain in the late seventeen seventies.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
It is December, seventeen seventy-six. British General William Howe has decided to stop fighting during the cold winter months. The general is in New York. He has already established control of a few areas near the city, including Trenton and Princeton in New Jersey.
Detail from ''Washington and Lafayette at Valley Forge'' painted by John DunsmoreGeneral George Washington and the Continental Army are on the other side of the Delaware River. The Americans are cold and hungry. They have few weapons. Washington knows that if Howe attacks, the British will be able to go all the way to Philadelphia. They will then control two of America's most important cities. He decides to attack.
His plan is for three groups of troops to cross the Delaware River separately. All three will join together at Trenton. Then they will attack Princeton and New Brunswick. Washington wants to surprise the enemy early in the morning the day after the Christmas holiday, December twenty-sixth.
VOICE TWO:
On Christmas night, two thousand four hundred soldiers of the Continental Army get into small boats. They cross the partly-frozen Delaware River. The crossing takes longer than Washington thought it would. The troops are four hours late. They will not be able to surprise the enemy at sunrise.
Yet, after marching to Trenton, Washington's troops do surprise the Hessian mercenaries who are in position there. The enemy soldiers run into buildings to get away. The Americans use cannons to blow up the buildings. Soon, the enemy surrenders. Washington's army has captured Trenton. A few days later, he marches his captured prisoners through the streets of the city of Philadelphia.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
Washington's victory at Trenton changed the way Americans felt about the war. Before the battle, the rebels had been defeated in New York. They were beginning to lose faith in their commander. Now that faith returned. Congress increased Washington's powers, making it possible for the fight for independence to continue.
Another result of the victory at Trenton was that more men decided to join the army. It now had ten thousand soldiers. This new Continental Army, however, lost battles during the summer to General Howe's forces near the Chesapeake Bay. And in August, seventeen seventy-seven, General Howe captured Philadelphia.
VOICE TWO:
Following these losses, Washington led the army to the nearby area called Valley Forge. They would stay there for the winter. His army was suffering. Half the men had no shoes, clothes, or blankets. They were almost starving. They built houses out of logs, but the winter was very cold and they almost froze. Many suffered from diseases such as smallpox and typhus. Some died.
General Washington and other officers were able to get food from the surrounding area to help most of the men survive the winter. By the spring of seventeen seventy-eight, they were ready to fight again.
VOICE ONE:
General Howe was still in Philadelphia. History experts say it is difficult to understand this British military leader. At times, he was a good commander and a brave man. At other times, he stayed in the safety of the cities, instead of leading his men to fight. General Howe was not involved in the next series of important battles of the American Revolution, however. The lead part now went to General John Burgoyne. His plan was to capture the Hudson River Valley in New York State and separate New England from the other colonies. This, the British believed, would make it easy to capture the other colonies.
The plan did not succeed. American General Benedict Arnold defeated the British troops in New York. General Burgoyne had expected help from General Howe, but did not get it. Burgoyne was forced to surrender at the town of Saratoga.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
British general John Burgoyne surrenders at Saratoga, New York, in October 1777, as painted by Percy MoranThe American victory at Saratoga was an extremely important one. It ended the British plan to separate New England from the other colonies. It also showed European nations that the new country might really be able to win its revolutionary war. This was something that France, especially, had wanted ever since being defeated by the British earlier in the French and Indian War.
The French government had been supplying the Americans secretly through the work of America's minister to France, Benjamin Franklin. Franklin was popular with the French people and with French government officials. He helped gain French sympathy for the American cause.
VOICE ONE:
After the American victory at Saratoga, the French decided to enter the war on the American side. The government recognized American independence. The two nations signed military and political treaties. France and Britain were at war once again.
The British immediately sent a message to America's Continental Congress. They offered to change everything so relations would be as they had been in seventeen sixty-three. The Americans rejected the offer. The war would be fought to the end.
In seventeen seventy-nine, Spain entered the war against the British. And the next year, the British were also fighting the Dutch to stop their trade with America.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
The French now sent gunpowder, soldiers, officers, and ships to the Americans. However, neither side made much progress in the war for the next two years.
A French blockade of the Chesapeake Bay during the Revolutionary War prevented British forces from reaching YorktownBy seventeen eighty, the British had moved their military forces to the American South. They quickly gained control of South Carolina and Georgia, but the Americans prevented them from taking control of North Carolina. After that, the British commander moved his troops to Yorktown, Virginia.
The commander's name was Lord Charles Cornwallis. Both he and George Washington had about eight thousand troops when they met near Yorktown. Cornwallis was expecting more troops to arrive on British ships.
What he did not know was that French ships were on their way to Yorktown, too. Their commander was Admiral Francois Comte de Grasse. De Grasse met some of the British ships that Cornwallis was expecting, and he defeated them. The French ships then moved into the Chesapeake Bay, near Yorktown.
VOICE ONE:
On this page in his diary, George Washington recorded the British surrender at YorktownThe Americans and the French began attacking with cannons. Then they fought the British soldiers hand-to-hand. Cornwallis knew he had no chance to win without more troops. He surrendered to George Washington on October seventeenth, seventeen eighty-one.
The war was over. American and French forces had captured or killed one-half of the British troops in America. The surviving British troops left Yorktown playing a popular British song called, "The World Turned Upside Down."
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
How were the Americans able to defeat the most powerful nation in the world? Historians give several reasons:
The Americans were fighting at home, while the British had to bring troops and supplies from across a wide ocean. British officers made mistakes, especially General William Howe. His slowness to take action at the start of the war made it possible for the Americans to survive during two difficult winters.
Another reason was the help the Americans received from the French. Also, the British public had stopped supporting the long and costly war. Finally, history experts say America might not have won without the leadership of George Washington. He was honest, brave, and sure that the Americans could win. He never gave up hope that he would reach that goal.
VOICE ONE:
The peace treaty ending the American Revolution was signed in Paris in seventeen eighty-three. The independence of the United States was recognized. Western and northern borders were set.
Thirteen colonies were free. Now, they had to become one nation.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
Today's MAKING OF A NATION program was written by Nancy Steinbach. This is Sarah Long.
VOICE ONE:
And this is Rich Kleinfeldt. Join us again next week for another VOA Special English program about the history of the United States. ____
A declaration for life
US History:
A Declaration for Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of HappinessA 33-year-old Virginia planter, Thomas Jefferson, wrote the Declaration of Independence in 17 days. America’s colonial leaders wanted the world to understand why they were rebelling against Britain.
Transcript of radio broadcast: 19 December 2007
MP3 - Download Audio Listen to MP3 Listen in RealAudio
VOICE ONE:
This is Rich Kleinfeldt.VOICE TWO:And this is Sarah Long with THE MAKING OF A NATION, a VOA Special English program about the history of the United States. Today, we continue the story of the American Revolution against Britain in the late seventeen hundreds.
(SOUND)
VOICE ONE:
Battles had been fought between Massachusetts soldiers and British military forces in the towns of Lexington and Concord. Yet, war had not been declared. Even so, citizen soldiers in each of the thirteen American colonies were ready to fight.George Washington's commission as commander-in-chief, signed by John Hancock and Charles ThompsonThis was the first question faced by the Second Continental Congress meeting in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Who was going to organize these men into an army? Delegates to the Congress decided that the man for the job was George Washington. He had experience fighting in the French and Indian War. He was thought to know more than any other colonist about being a military commander. Washington accepted the position. But he said he would not take any money for leading the new Continental Army. Washington left Philadelphia for Boston to take command of the soldiers there.
VOICE TWO:
Delegates to the Second Continental Congress made one more attempt to prevent war with Britain. They sent another message to King George. They asked him to consider their problems and try to find a solution. The king would not even read the message.You may wonder: Why would the delegates try to prevent war if the people were ready to fight? The answer is that most members of the Congress -- and most of the colonists -- were not yet ready to break away from Britain. They continued to believe they could have greater self-government and still be part of the British Empire. But that was not to be.
VOICE ONE:
Detail from a drawing made shortly after the Battle of Bunker Hill by British Lieutenant Thomas PageTwo days after the Congress appointed George Washington as army commander, colonists and British troops fought the first major battle of the American Revolution. It was called the Battle of Bunker Hill, although it really involved two hills: Bunker and Breed's. Both are just across the Charles River from the city of Boston.Massachusetts soldiers dug positions on Breed's Hill one night in June, seventeen seventy-five. By morning, the hill was filled with troops. The British started to attack from across the river. The Americans had very little gunpowder. They were forced to wait until the British had crossed the river and were almost on top of them before they fired their guns. Their commander reportedly told them: Do not fire until you see the whites of the British soldiers' eyes.
VOICE TWO:
The British climbed the hill. The Americans fired. A second group climbed the hill. The Americans fired again. The third time, the British reached the top, but the Americans were gone. They had left because they had no more gunpowder. The British captured Breed's Hill. More than one thousand had been killed or wounded in the attempt. The Americans lost about four hundred.That battle greatly reduced whatever hope was left for a negotiated settlement. King George declared the colonies to be in open rebellion. And the Continental Congress approved a declaration condemning everything the British had done since seventeen sixty-three.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
General George Washington in 'The Prayer at Valley Forge,' painted by H. BruecknerThe American colonists fought several battles against British troops during seventeen seventy-five. Yet the colonies were still not ready to declare war. Then, the following year, the British decided to use Hessian soldiers to fight against the colonists. Hessians were mostly German mercenaries who fought for anyone who paid them. The colonists feared these soldiers and hated Britain for using them.At about the same time, Thomas Paine published a little document that had a great effect on the citizens of America. He named it, "Common Sense." It attacked King George, as well as the idea of government by kings. It called for independence.About one hundred fifty thousand copies of "Common Sense" were sold in America. Everyone talked about it. As a result, the Continental Congress began to act. It opened American ports to foreign shipping. It urged colonists to establish state governments and to write constitutions. On June seventh, delegate Richard Henry Lee of Virginia proposed a resolution for independence.
VOICE TWO:
The resolution was not approved immediately. Declaring independence was an extremely serious step. Signing such a document would make delegates to the Continental Congress traitors to Britain. They would be killed if captured by the British.The delegates wanted the world to understand what they were doing, and why. So they appointed a committee to write a document giving the reasons for their actions. One member of the committee was the Virginian, Thomas Jefferson. He had already written a report criticizing the British form of government. So the other committee members asked him to prepare the new document. They said he was the best writer in the group. They were right. It took him seventeen days to complete the document that the delegates approved on July fourth, seventeen seventy-six. It was America's Declaration of Independence.(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
From Thomas Jefferson's first attempt at writing the Declaration of IndependenceJefferson's document was divided into two parts. The first part explained the right of any people to revolt. It also described the ideas the Americans used to create a new, republican form of government. The Declaration of Independence begins this way:
ANNOUNCER:
When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them to another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
VOICE ONE:
Jefferson continued by saying that all people are equal in the eyes of God. Therefore, governments can exist only by permission of the people they govern. He wrote:
ANNOUNCER:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal and that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
VOICE ONE:
The next part states why the American colonies decided to separate from Britain:
ANNOUNCER:
That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it.
VOICE ONE:
This is why the Americans were rebelling against England. The British believed the Americans were violating their law. Jefferson rejected this idea. He claimed that the British treatment of the American colonies violated the natural laws of God. He and others believed a natural law exists that is more powerful than a king.The idea of a natural law had been developed by British and French philosophers more than one hundred years earlier. Jefferson had studied these philosophers in school. In later years, however, he said he did not re-read these ideas while he was writing the Declaration. He said the words came straight from his heart.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
The second part of the Declaration lists twenty-seven complaints by the American colonies against the British government. The major ones concerned British taxes on Americans and the presence of British troops in the colonies. After the list of complaints, Jefferson wrote this strong statement of independence: ANNOUNCER:That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States they have the full Power to levy War, conduct Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do.
VOICE TWO:
The last statement of the Declaration of Independence was meant to influence the delegates into giving strong support for that most serious step -- revolution:ANNOUNCER:And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
Today's MAKING OF A NATION program was written by Nancy Steinbach. Shep O’Neal read the Declaration of Independence. This is Rich Kleinfeldt.VOICE TWO:And this is Sarah Long. Join us again next week for another VOA Special English program about the history of the United States.
A Declaration for Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of HappinessA 33-year-old Virginia planter, Thomas Jefferson, wrote the Declaration of Independence in 17 days. America’s colonial leaders wanted the world to understand why they were rebelling against Britain.
Transcript of radio broadcast: 19 December 2007
MP3 - Download Audio Listen to MP3 Listen in RealAudio
VOICE ONE:
This is Rich Kleinfeldt.VOICE TWO:And this is Sarah Long with THE MAKING OF A NATION, a VOA Special English program about the history of the United States. Today, we continue the story of the American Revolution against Britain in the late seventeen hundreds.
(SOUND)
VOICE ONE:
Battles had been fought between Massachusetts soldiers and British military forces in the towns of Lexington and Concord. Yet, war had not been declared. Even so, citizen soldiers in each of the thirteen American colonies were ready to fight.George Washington's commission as commander-in-chief, signed by John Hancock and Charles ThompsonThis was the first question faced by the Second Continental Congress meeting in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Who was going to organize these men into an army? Delegates to the Congress decided that the man for the job was George Washington. He had experience fighting in the French and Indian War. He was thought to know more than any other colonist about being a military commander. Washington accepted the position. But he said he would not take any money for leading the new Continental Army. Washington left Philadelphia for Boston to take command of the soldiers there.
VOICE TWO:
Delegates to the Second Continental Congress made one more attempt to prevent war with Britain. They sent another message to King George. They asked him to consider their problems and try to find a solution. The king would not even read the message.You may wonder: Why would the delegates try to prevent war if the people were ready to fight? The answer is that most members of the Congress -- and most of the colonists -- were not yet ready to break away from Britain. They continued to believe they could have greater self-government and still be part of the British Empire. But that was not to be.
VOICE ONE:
Detail from a drawing made shortly after the Battle of Bunker Hill by British Lieutenant Thomas PageTwo days after the Congress appointed George Washington as army commander, colonists and British troops fought the first major battle of the American Revolution. It was called the Battle of Bunker Hill, although it really involved two hills: Bunker and Breed's. Both are just across the Charles River from the city of Boston.Massachusetts soldiers dug positions on Breed's Hill one night in June, seventeen seventy-five. By morning, the hill was filled with troops. The British started to attack from across the river. The Americans had very little gunpowder. They were forced to wait until the British had crossed the river and were almost on top of them before they fired their guns. Their commander reportedly told them: Do not fire until you see the whites of the British soldiers' eyes.
VOICE TWO:
The British climbed the hill. The Americans fired. A second group climbed the hill. The Americans fired again. The third time, the British reached the top, but the Americans were gone. They had left because they had no more gunpowder. The British captured Breed's Hill. More than one thousand had been killed or wounded in the attempt. The Americans lost about four hundred.That battle greatly reduced whatever hope was left for a negotiated settlement. King George declared the colonies to be in open rebellion. And the Continental Congress approved a declaration condemning everything the British had done since seventeen sixty-three.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
General George Washington in 'The Prayer at Valley Forge,' painted by H. BruecknerThe American colonists fought several battles against British troops during seventeen seventy-five. Yet the colonies were still not ready to declare war. Then, the following year, the British decided to use Hessian soldiers to fight against the colonists. Hessians were mostly German mercenaries who fought for anyone who paid them. The colonists feared these soldiers and hated Britain for using them.At about the same time, Thomas Paine published a little document that had a great effect on the citizens of America. He named it, "Common Sense." It attacked King George, as well as the idea of government by kings. It called for independence.About one hundred fifty thousand copies of "Common Sense" were sold in America. Everyone talked about it. As a result, the Continental Congress began to act. It opened American ports to foreign shipping. It urged colonists to establish state governments and to write constitutions. On June seventh, delegate Richard Henry Lee of Virginia proposed a resolution for independence.
VOICE TWO:
The resolution was not approved immediately. Declaring independence was an extremely serious step. Signing such a document would make delegates to the Continental Congress traitors to Britain. They would be killed if captured by the British.The delegates wanted the world to understand what they were doing, and why. So they appointed a committee to write a document giving the reasons for their actions. One member of the committee was the Virginian, Thomas Jefferson. He had already written a report criticizing the British form of government. So the other committee members asked him to prepare the new document. They said he was the best writer in the group. They were right. It took him seventeen days to complete the document that the delegates approved on July fourth, seventeen seventy-six. It was America's Declaration of Independence.(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
From Thomas Jefferson's first attempt at writing the Declaration of IndependenceJefferson's document was divided into two parts. The first part explained the right of any people to revolt. It also described the ideas the Americans used to create a new, republican form of government. The Declaration of Independence begins this way:
ANNOUNCER:
When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them to another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
VOICE ONE:
Jefferson continued by saying that all people are equal in the eyes of God. Therefore, governments can exist only by permission of the people they govern. He wrote:
ANNOUNCER:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal and that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
VOICE ONE:
The next part states why the American colonies decided to separate from Britain:
ANNOUNCER:
That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it.
VOICE ONE:
This is why the Americans were rebelling against England. The British believed the Americans were violating their law. Jefferson rejected this idea. He claimed that the British treatment of the American colonies violated the natural laws of God. He and others believed a natural law exists that is more powerful than a king.The idea of a natural law had been developed by British and French philosophers more than one hundred years earlier. Jefferson had studied these philosophers in school. In later years, however, he said he did not re-read these ideas while he was writing the Declaration. He said the words came straight from his heart.
(MUSIC)
VOICE TWO:
The second part of the Declaration lists twenty-seven complaints by the American colonies against the British government. The major ones concerned British taxes on Americans and the presence of British troops in the colonies. After the list of complaints, Jefferson wrote this strong statement of independence: ANNOUNCER:That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States they have the full Power to levy War, conduct Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do.
VOICE TWO:
The last statement of the Declaration of Independence was meant to influence the delegates into giving strong support for that most serious step -- revolution:ANNOUNCER:And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
(MUSIC)
VOICE ONE:
Today's MAKING OF A NATION program was written by Nancy Steinbach. Shep O’Neal read the Declaration of Independence. This is Rich Kleinfeldt.VOICE TWO:And this is Sarah Long. Join us again next week for another VOA Special English program about the history of the United States.
Inscription à :
Commentaires (Atom)